Cabinet rubber-stamped nuclear deal

Paul McKay
The Ottawa Citizen
June 8, 1998

 

How Martin, Eggleton signed $1.5-billion China loan guarantee without review of contract

Finance Minister Paul Martin signed a $1.5-billion federal loan guarantee for a Candu reactor sale to China without him or his department reviewing the export contract or financing agreements.

The $1.5-billion guarantee was co-signed by then-minister for international trade Art Eggleton, without a departmental review of the contracts and financing agreements.

Foreign Affairs also did not review the contracts or financing agreements before the loan was approved by the Chretien cabinet in November 1996.

The Candu was sold by Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd., a federal Crown corporation, to the China National Nuclear Company. It was financed by the largest government-backed export loan in Canadian history. The Chretien cabinet later matched the China deal with a $1.5-billion loan guarantee for AECL’s proposed Candu sale to Turkey.

The apparent lack of due diligence by Mr. Martin and Mr. Eggleton is confirmed in affidavits, filed by senior government officials under oath, in a pending case before the Federal Court of Canada. The case was launched by the Sierra Club of Canada, which contends that the $1.5-billion China loan financed an export deal that violates federal environmental law.

In a March 1997 affidavit sworn before a court officer, Peter Cameron, chief of international finance in Mr. Martin’s department, said: “The Department of Finance has not seen or reviewed the sales and financing contracts. The design, construction, delivery and financing of the (Candu) project is the direct responsibility of the two Crown Corporations.”

The federal Crown corporations referred to are AECL and the Export Development Corporation (EDC). They negotiated the Candu/China sales contract on behalf of the federal government.

Mr. Cameron’s affidavit contends that responsibility for the $1.5-billion loan rests with AECL and the EDC, and that a lack of direct ministerial involvement legally allowed the Candu sale to be completed without a full environmental screening under the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act. The Act requires a full screening of export projects financed by federal tax dollars or directly promoted by federal department.

Yet Mr. Martin co-signed the $1.5-billion loan guarantee on behalf of the EDC. And the AECL/China deal was formally approved by the ministers in the Chretien cabinet.

In his affidavit, Mr. Cameron states: “The (Canadian Environmental Assessment Act) gives the Minister for International Trade, with the concurrence of the Minister of Finance, the power to authorize the EDC to enter into any transactions or class of transactions.”

It was under this authorization that the loan guarantee was signed by Mr. Martin, and set up under the EDC’s “Canada Account.” The same affidavit confirms that if the Chinese default on the $1.5-billion loan, Canada’s taxpayers will be liable.

“When funds are required for Canada Account transactions, they are provided to the EDC from the Consolidated Revenue Fund (the federal treasury) and, in the event of a default situation, the CRF bears that loss. The strong expectation is that this sale of Candu reactors by AECL will not require funds from the CRF. China is the world’s second-largest holder of foreign exchange reserves and is considered to be a good credit risk.”

Mr. Martin signed the $1.5-billion loan guarantee on Nov. 8, 1996. A contract between AECL and the China National Nuclear Company was signed four days later. The AECL/China deal formally closed in Shanghai on Nov. 26, 1996, with Prime Minister Jean Chretien presiding at the signing ceremony.

Mr. Cameron’s March, 1997 affidavit confirms that the Department of Finance had still not reviewed the China deal contracts three months later.

A similar March, 1997 affidavit was filed by John Mundy, director of export financing at the department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. In it, Mr. Mundy states: “The sales and financing contracts have not been seen or reviewed by my Branch.”

Both Mr. Cameron and Mr. Mundy state in their affidavits that they briefed Mr. Martin and Mr. Eggleton, respectively, on the proposed AECL/China Candu sale. But they and their departments had not reviewed the $1.5-billion contracts and financing agreements.

Mr. Martin and Mr. Eggleton apparently relied on their senior advisers for financial advice about the Candu sale, who in turn relied on AECL for financial advice about the contract terms.

AECL has a notorious record of becoming enmeshed in money-losing Candu export deals to Argentina, Romania and South Korea. During the past two decades, it has been slammed by the federal auditor general for paying $20 million in illegal bribes, losing hundreds of millions after failing to negotiate inflation-protection clauses in contracts, and underestimating project costs.

In 1994, a South Korean employed by AECL as its “business agent” was convicted of bribery after handing $350,000 in cash to the head of the state power commission, who subsequently approved an AECL bid to build Candu reactors in South Korea. The power commission official was also convicted.

AECL officials later conceded that the $350,000 — hand-delivered in paper bags — was given to its South Korean agent as a donation to a business promotion fund. They denied the money was for bribes.

In a 1995 CBC Radio interview, former federal auditor general Kenneth Dye gave this summary of AECL’s use of export deal “agents:” “I’ve seen examples where agents have been hired by countries, and I think the strategy there is to deal with the agent so that you don’t have to know — Canadians don’t have to know — what goes on behind the facade of an agent.

“The agent does whatever is done in those developing countries, and the Canadian is blissfully unaware. I’ve always been a believer that if directors of a corporation know — or should know — about these things, and they fail to take action, then you’re getting signals from the top that this loosey-goosey stuff is acceptable. I always thought it would be salutary in our country if directors of corporations were sent to jail for things that they could have stopped but failed to.”

According to a 1996 report by George Lermer, former dean of the Faculty of Management at the University of Lethbridge, federal expenditures to support AECL, from 1947 to 1994, totalled $9.4 billion (in 1995 dollars). He calculated additional federal subsidies for heavy water plants, prototype reactors and export financing totalling $7.5 billion.

Mr. Lermer concluded that if the $9.4 billion in direct federal subsidies to AECL had been invested elsewhere to earn a standard real rate of return, the current value of the fund would exceed $56 billion.

A comparable analysis, conducted by nuclear researcher David Martin for Nuclear Awareness Project and economist David Argue for the Ottawa-based Campaign for Nuclear Phase-out, estimated the historical subsidies to AECL at $15.2 billion in 1997 dollars. (See graph)

“After almost 50 years of consistent economic failure, it’s time to admit that the nuclear experiment in Canada is a bust,” says David Martin. “If the $15 billion in subsidies to AECL had been invested in social programs, or debt reduction, the benefit to the Canadian economy would have been much greater.”

He says he is appalled that Canada’s Minister of Finance would authorize a $1.5-billion loan on behalf of AECL’s China sale without he or his department first reviewing the contract terms.

“It’s another bit of evidence that AECL and its export program is out of control, and is not publicly accountable,” says David Martin. “The Chretien cabinet has promised another $1.5-billion loan to finance the sale of two Candu reactors to Turkey. The terms of that deal are even more outrageous than the China deal, because Turkey doesn’t have to put up one cent. That’s a condition of the bid.

“Did Paul Martin sign the same kind blind cheque for that deal, too?”

AECL currently receives a $100-million annual grant from Parliament. The Crown corporation has refused to disclose the terms of the China Candu sale. In response to an Access to Information request, it blanked out documents containing details on the $1.5-billion loan interest rate.

Mr. Cameron’s Federal Court affidavit did not reveal the interest rate on the AECL/China loan. It does confirm that the $1.5-billion loan in support of the AECL sale of Candu reactors to China will extend over 22 years; a planned seven-year construction plus a 15-year repayment period. As is typical of foreign-supplied export financing into China, the AECL transaction is denominated in U.S. funds.

“This gives rise to two significant risks which must be managed: foreign exchange risk and interest rate risk,” noted Mr. Cameron.

Federal government subsidies to AECL ($ millions)

Fiscal Nominal Equivalent

End Year Total in 1997$

1952 12.1 72.0 
1953 21.4 128.0 
1954 19.6 115.7 
1955 29.5 174.1 
1956 30.3 175.8 
1957 31.0 174.6 
1958 24.6 134.7 
1959 28.7 155.3 
1960 30.5 163.7 
1961 38.2 203.4 
1962 33.9 178.5 
1963 37.1 190.9 
1964 44.9 227.6 
1965 45.2 224.1 
1966 52.7 252.1 
1967 58.0 266.3 
1968 66.5 292.5 
1969 68.6 289.6 
1970 69.0 281.7 
1971 68.9 274.7 
1972 77.0 294.1 
1973 78.2 280.6 
1974 87.9 286.6 
1975 85.9 252.4 
1976 93.6 256.3 
1977 195.6 499.4 
1978 403.9 957.7 
1979 119.2 260.4 
1980 123.5 245.4 
1981 1,033.1 1,846.1 
1982 283.8 460.1 
1983 315.3 480.8 
1984 336.4 493.6 
1985 235.5 460.9 
1986 275.1 375.1 
1987 217.6 285.2 
1988 180.4 228.0 
1989 206.2 248.8 
1990 205.6 237.8 
1991 167.5 184.9 
1992 175.9 191.7 
1993 180.3 193.3 
1994 173.6 182.4 
1995 180.0 186.2 
1996 174.6 178.1 
1997 1,674.1 1,674.1

 

Posted in Nuclear Economics, Nuclear Plant Security, Nuclear Power, Towards Shutdown | Tagged | Leave a comment

Selling ‘seeds’ for H-bombs

Paul MacKay
The Ottawa Citizen
June 7, 1998

 

Canada sold reactors first to India, then to Pakistan. Paul MacKay reports that Turkey is likely to be next. India did it. Pakistan did it. Turkey will likely be next.

The potential sale this month of Canadian Candu reactors to Turkey would arm that country with the same technology that India and Pakistan used to build nuclear bombs.

“Canada’s nuclear reactors were the seeds of today’s nuclear armed conflict between India and Pakistan,” says Norm Rubin, a nuclear technology specialist with Toronto-based Energy Probe. “If Prime Minister Chretien is shocked by recent developments, he simply doesn’t understand what seeds do.”

The Turkish state power commission is expected to announce the winning bid to build the country’s first two power reactors by the end of June. The Canadian government, through the Crown company Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd., is one of three finalists.

Although the sale to Turkey would be financed by Canadian taxpayers, the federal government is doing its best to keep the deal secret.

AECL, which receives a $100-million annual grant from Parliament, has refused to disclose the financial details of the Turkish bid. So has Jean Chretien’s cabinet, which approved a $1.5-billion loan for the AECL/Turkey nuclear project in April 1997. Details of the loan were made public in a leaked cabinet document last November.

“The Candu is the perfect camouflage to cover military activities,” Mr. Rubin said. “It can conceal and put a pretty veneer on some pretty nasty activities. For someone who wants to make bombs, it is exquisitely ambiguous.”

To avoid parliamentary and public scrutiny of the deal with Turkey, said Elizabeth May, a lawyer who is executive director of the national Sierra Club office in Ottawa, the federal cabinet routed the $3 billion in federal loan guarantees through an obscure ledger item called the “Canada Account.”

The Canada Account is administered by the Export Development Corporation and is jointly supervised by the federal Minister of Finance and the Minister for International Trade.

AECL and the government have also refused to reveal financial details about a 1996 carbon-copy sale of two Candus to China (a nuclear state), financed by a cabinet-approved, $1.5-billion loan.

The Chinese and Turkish deals are the largest government-backed export loans in Canadian history.

“It’s Candu deja vu,” says Elizabeth May, “The Chretien government always wants to celebrate the sales of nuclear technology, without facing the world-security and financial responsibilities.”

AECL supplied a Candu prototype reactor to India, which used it to extract plutonium for its first nuclear bomb in 1974. AECL also supplied a Candu to Pakistan, and then officially cut off all nuclear assistance when Pakistan’s nascent bomb program was uncovered.

Reid Morden, president and CEO of AECL, has said that Candu reactors are “safe and represent the best nuclear technology in the world.” He is adamant that “Candu reactors have never been used to make bombs.”

Reactor sales to Pakistan and India were financed by AECL and Canadian foreign aid programs.

“In the history of AECL sales to India and Pakistan, and to military dictatorships in Taiwan, Argentina, Romania, South Korea and China, there is a clear cause and effect,” says Ms. May. “Most of those sales were approved when Jean Chretien was in the federal cabinet.”

Ms. May says the Sierra Club has spent $80,000 — so far — seeking a Federal Court ruling that would puncture the extraordinary secrecy surrounding the Candu sales to China and Turkey, and make them subject to Canadian environmental standards. The case has not yet been heard.

Meanwhile, construction is 10-per-cent completed in China, and the AECL bid in Turkey is proceeding.

Court documents confirm that Finance Minister Paul Martin and former International Trade minister Art Eggleton co-signed the Canada Account approval for the $1.5-billion loan to China.

Cabinet documents indicate that Ms. May’s Federal Court challenge hit a raw legal and political nerve in the Prime Minister’s Office. The Sierra Club named the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of International Trade, and the Attorney General of Canada as defendants in the legally contested Candu sale to China.

With the Federal Court case pending, the federal cabinet approved a $1.5-billion loan for the Candu sale to Turkey, through the Canada Account. But, this time, the cabinet was explicitly apprised of the political and legal risk.

A secret cabinet memorandum dated April 24, 1997, for the members of the key Cabinet committee on Economic Development Policy, warned that the Turkish Candu deal might be declared illegal by the Federal Court.

More ominously for the cabinet, it noted: “Justice has advised that its case is not strong, and that the Federal Court may well rule in favour of the Sierra Club.”

The April 24 cabinet document was approved by cabinet three days later. It contains several extraordinary details:

– It recommends approval of the $1.1-billion loan for the AECL/Turkey bid through the Canada Account, in addition to a January 1994 cabinet approval for $400 million. The financing costs were projected at $110 million over seven years.

– The $1.5-billion loan was to be made directly to an unnamed Turkish state entity. No details were provided on when and how the $1.5 billion would be repaid.

– It recommended that “Cabinet reaffirm its previous policy that, unless Court decisions require a change in the policy, the export credit system is not subject to the requirements of the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act (CEAA) until such time as a regulation concerning the Export Development Corporation and its Canada Account program, and the Canadian Commercial Corporation, is developed.”

– “Should AECL be successful in securing a winning (Turkey) bid and pending the outcome of the current legal challenges, Ministers will be asked to decide whether or not the environmental assessment for this project should encompass the public registry process (notification and public comment) as would be required for CEAA compliance under Section 55.”

– “To improve the competitiveness of the bid to be submitted by AECL for the supply of CANDU reactors to Turkey, (one clause in the Cabinet approval document) should be modified to allow for a loan and/or guarantee. This will provide the flexibility necessary for the Export Development Corporation to structure a financing package which will better meet the needs of the Turkish authorities.”

– In aid of “sheltering the transaction from court challenge or delay,” it suggests conducting a “shadow” environmental assessment on the Turkey deal, with or without the public notification. On the latter option, it concludes: “The conduct of a shadow assessment, which is consistent with (federal law) in every way, except for the public registry aspects, means that the government would be able to react quickly to a negative ruling in the Sierra Club case, by converting the shadow screening into a screening which meets (existing federal) regulations.”

– “The rationale for Cabinet’s decision to protect export projects from the requirements of the CEAA was that this might subject Canadian exporters to a regulatory process not faced by their competitors from other countries. It was feared that this might impact on the international competitiveness of Canadian companies and place them on an unlevel playing field, in that they might be subjected to delays and costs not faced by their competitors.”

Cabinet approved the amended AECL/Turkey deal on April 27, 1997. This included the $1.5-billion loan through the Canada Account, setting up a “shadow” environmental assessment to protect its legal flank, and putting the minister of Finance and minister of International Trade in charge of the financial terms — and the pending Federal Court challenge.

Cabinet also approved an already-written “communications plan,” and the recommendation that “this transaction not set a precedent for future Canada Account transactions.”

What the cabinet document never stated — but all cabinet members knew — was that the “Canadian exporters” being sheltered from competitors and Federal Court challenges was the federal government itself. Through AECL, it holds the only licence to sell Candu technology. Through the Export Development Corporation’s Canada Account, it is the sole financial underwriter for the Candu sale to Turkey.

This mirrors steps the Liberal government took to obscure details of the Candu sale to China.

In a rare, hastily arranged evening session on Nov. 6, 1996, cabinet made changes to Canadian Environmental Assessment Act regulations, with the intent of exempting major Canadian export projects from standards imposed on major projects in Canada. The law applies to export projects financed by federal tax dollars, or promoted directly by a federal government agency.

Those regulations (now being challenged by the Sierra Club) were given the force of law the next day. The usual 60-day review period, in which proposed regulations are posted in the Canada Gazette for public comment, was suspended. The new regulations were first posted on Nov. 27, 1996 — one day after the prime minister attended the signing of the AECL/China deal in Shanghai.

Despite sustained efforts, the Sierra Club has been unable to extract financial details about the Canada Account financing of Candu sales to China and Turkey. The only certain detail is that the federal government — through the Canada Account — has pledged $3 billion to complete the construction of two Candu reactors in China, and two in Turkey.

In affidavits to the Federal Court, government lawyers have argued that:

– additional financial details are not relevant to the Sierra Club court challenge;

– the loan guarantees through the Canada Account were not authorized directly by any cabinet minister and, therefore, have not technically triggered application of federal environmental laws;

– the ministers of Finance and International Trade never reviewed the Candu/China agreements, contracts or financial arrangements, and so could not be expected to provide details;

– release of the financial details would be contrary to the national interest, by jeopardizing future sales of Candu reactors;

– the details are exempt from Federal Court review since they are covered by cabinet secrecy provisions and/or solicitor-client privilege.

The Sierra Club’s Elizabeth May says the federal government has a direct, vested interest in pushing Candu sales as fast as it can before the Federal Court rules on the “Canada Account” case — and in delaying any court ruling as long as it can.

“They’re on the financial and political hook for $3 billion in taxpayer funds,” she says. “The cabinet rammed both deals through; on a wing and a prayer they’d get the money back somehow, someday. The public is in the dark about all this. They may be, too.”

On the eve of Sierra Club lawyers cross-examining government officials about the Canada Account loans, AECL filed a surprise motion to formally join the Federal Court action. The AECL motion was filed on April 15, 1998 — 15 months after the case was initiated. It concluded: “It has become apparent that the applicant (Sierra Club) intends to use the Application to adversely affect AECL’s interests.”

On April 29, the court dismissed AECL’s effort to become a party to the action. It allowed AECL intervenor status on condition it not duplicate issues already raised by its federal government allies.

“All the legal bills of AECL, the Export Development Corporation, the Cabinet ministers named in our suit, and the federal government itself — are being paid with public funds,” says Ms. May.

“The public is also paying for all the court time and costs. All because we are saying $3 billion in public loans shouldn’t be secret, and Canada’s environmental laws shouldn’t be junked so Jean Chretien can flog reactors in China and Turkey.”

Ms. May says Sierra Club researchers have pieced together a partial picture of how the $1.5-billion loan to China is being spent:

– The federal Export Development Corporation Canada Account received the $1.5-billion commitment from the federal government, signed by Finance Minister Paul Martin;

– The EDC provided a secured $1.5-billion loan guarantee to the State Bank of China;

– The State Bank of China began borrowing funds against the Canada Account loan guarantee. The borrowed funds are routed through the Asian Development Bank, which in turn makes loans to the China state nuclear agency;

– The China state nuclear agency pays AECL as work progresses at the Quinshan site, where two Candu reactors are being constructed.

The Chinese Candu project capital cost is estimated at $4 billion. The $1.5-billion AECL portion, about 40 per cent of the estimated cost, covers the reactor and steam generation components. The remainder of the work is subcontracted to Chinese, U.S., Japanese and South Korean companies, which arranged their own financing.

Ms. May says that unless the Federal Court orders the government to release the financial contracts and Canada Account statements, the public will never know how much profit or loss the AECL deal carries, or what the financial risk is.

Court documents confirm that if the Chinese default on the $1.5-billion loan repayments, future Canadian taxpayers will assume the liability. The loan term is 22 years. In documents released under the Access to Information Act the loan interest rate has been omitted.

Energy Probe’s Norm Rubin fully endorses the Sierra Club court challenge.

He says the federal government is secretly subsidizing — in the guise of foreign aid — a reactor system that last year had the worst operating record in the world. That record is largely due to the shutdown of seven Ontario Hydro Candu reactors.

“When the federal government is cutting social expenditures that have widespread public support, for the Chretien cabinet to risk $1.5 billion in Turkey on top of the $1.5 billion for China, for a technology that has already failed any reasonable economic and technical test — is outrageous.

“This is the technology that has bankrupted Ontario Hydro.”

Financial details about the pending sale of two Candu reactors to Turkey are even murkier. Even though the bidding has been closed for several months, the AECL has refused to disclose the capital cost of the project, its predicted profit margin, or the repayment terms of the $1.5-billion loan.

In fact, the loan may not be repaid in cash. In April, Hukuk Musaviri, general manager of the Turkish state bank supervising the three final bids, told the Citizen that Turkey will not pay any up-front capital costs for the reactors. They are expected to be in the $4-billion range. The finalists include AECL, a French/German consortium, and a private partnership led by Westinghouse and Mitsubishi Corp.

The reactor construction, at a site called Akkuyu on the Mediterranean coast, will be 100-per-cent financed by the winning bidder, Mr. Musaviri said.

He confirmed that when those costs are repaid by the Turkish government, under the contract terms, a significant portion won’t be paid in cash.

Instead, Mr. Musaviri said, the reactor costs will be repaid in “counter-trade” — Turkish-produced goods such as steel, farm implements, and food products. If AECL is the winning bidder, he said, it will be expected to accept then resell those goods to recoup its costs.

 

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Why Candus are bomb kits

Paul MacKay
The Ottawa Citizen
June 7, 1998

A huge spinoff industry depends on reactor sales, officials say. But suppliers diversified long ago, writes Richard Foot.

The Candu was originally developed during the Second World War as a means of producing plutonium — a key fissile element in atomic bombs — for the U.S. Manhattan Project. The Candu uses natural uranium fuel and a neutron moderator, (which helps stabilize the chain reaction), called heavy water.

After 1945, the U.S. built several military plutonium production reactors, with Canadian technical assistance. They were essentially copies of the NRX reactor built at AECL’s Chalk River site in 1947. The former Soviet Union developed a similar military reactor to supply its nuclear arsenal. Later, Britain, France, China, and Israel built similar reactors for military purposes. All use natural uranium and heavy water, which produce a high amount of plutonium.

The Candu is a scaled-up version of the NRX, with steam generators added to produce electric power. Due to its military origins, it:

– produces highest amount of plutonium per unit of power output of any commercial reactor;

– produces the highest amount of tritium (a toxic gaseous by-product), which is an essential ingredient in hydrogen bombs;

– has a unique “on-line” fuelling system that allows the reactor to be re-fuelled without a shutdown, and uranium fuel to be shunted through the reactor to produce the maximum amount of bomb-grade plutonium.

For these reasons, the Candu represents the highest risk of military misuse, and nuclear weapons proliferation, of all reactors sold commercially on the world market. Plutonium and tritium can be produced quickly and secretly, making the Candu a potential cover for military activities.

For example, Norm Rubin, a nuclear specialist with Energy Probe, said that, when Ontario Hydro had 20 operating Candu reactors, they produced about 2.5 kilograms of tritium annually, which was distilled (for safety and production reasons) at a plant beside the Darlington nuclear station.

“The average U.S. nuclear warhead uses about four grams of tritium,” says Mr. Rubin. “The Candus, which AECL is selling to China, Turkey and South Korea, could produce enough tritium for dozens of bombs per year.”

In May, 1974, India exploded its first atomic bomb, using plutonium produced in a Candu prototype reactor supplied by Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd. After Canada officially cut off nuclear assistance in protest, India built several carbon-copy reactors and used some of them to produce plutonium for its bomb program. Recently, it has been reported that India obtained the tritium for its H-bombs from the Candu copies.

AECL also sold a Candu to Pakistan. Canada officially cut off nuclear assistance to Pakistan when its nuclear weapons program was exposed.

Last month, Pakistan detonated six inaugural nuclear bombs at an underground test site. Neither country has signed the United Nations-sponsored Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.

Since 1974, AECL has sold full-scale Candu reactors to Argentina, Romania, South Korea, and China (a nuclear weapons state). An NRX reactor was sold to Taiwan. At the time of sale, each of the governments were military dictatorships.

A sale of two Candu reactors to Turkey is pending. Canada is also the world’s largest exporter of uranium, which is mined in northern Saskatchewan. The federal and Saskatchewan governments recently approved development of the world’s largest, richest uranium ore bodies near Cigar Lake. Most of Saskatchewan’s uranium is slated for export to other countries.

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Proposal for a competitive electricity future: Energy Probe submits plan to NB Electricity Taskforce

June 4, 1998

In a report submitted last week to the NB Electricity Taskforce, enquiring into the province’s energy future, Energy Probe outlined a path toward customer choice of electricity supplier, environmental and economic reregulation of the sector, break-up and privatization of NB Power, and a non-nuclear future for the province.

The report noted, “No other industrial sector is likely to exert as profound an influence on the economic prospects and environment integrity of the province as its electricity sector.”

To protect taxpayers, the report recommends that the provincial government not provide any further loan guarantees for NB Power and should treat existing obligations as preferred to new liabilities, as if the existing obligations were a first mortgage and new obligations were a second mortgage.

The report argues that the arrival of natural gas in New Brunswick, particularly if a competitive electricity market is in place to facilitate the development of gas-fired power, represents an excellent near-term opportunity to reduce the province’s reliance on high emission and high cost power from coal, oil, and bitumen. In addition, over the medium term, natural gas can significantly ease the transition to a non-nuclear future for the province.

Solutions are proposed to some of the key environmental deficiencies of New Brunswick’s electricity system: the absence of secure and adequate funding for nuclear waste disposal, the environmental unacceptability of continuing to mine coal in New Brunswick, and the underutilized potential for cogeneration in New Brunswick.

The report also discusses NB Power’s now resolved defamation suit against the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies, Energy Probe and Energy Probe’s executive director Thomas Adams related to his earlier published analysis as well as raising concerns about actions the utility took against journalists reporting on the suit.

The full text of the report is available on the Internet at http://www.energyprobe.org/energyprobe/article/nbtask.htm. The report’s author, Energy Probe’s Executive Director Thomas Adams, can be reached at 416-964-9223 ext. 239.

For more information, please contact Tom Adams, Executive Director, Energy Probe Research Foundation, phone 416 964 923 ext. 239, fax 416 964 8239

Energy Probe Research Foundation is a non-profit organization supported by 18,000 Canadians and dedicated to consumer and environmental protection and advocates the phaseout of nuclear power for a safer, cleaner and more economical energy future.

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Information-czar candidate under attack: Ex-MP once worked for nuclear association

Jim Bronskill
The Ottawa Citizen
June 4, 1998

John Reid, a former Liberal cabinet minister, will be interviewed by a panel of MPs today for the job of federal information commissioner.

Mr. Reid confirmed late yesterday he has been asked to appear before the Commons operations committee about the position — a sign he is poised to become the next commissioner.

But Mr. Reid, who served as president of the Canadian Nuclear Association after leaving politics, is running into stiff opposition from environmental groups who flatly oppose his candidacy.

“I must say I am not cheered by the prospect,” said Norm Rubin of Energy Probe, an outspoken critic of nuclear power.

Environmentalists claim the nuclear industry is among the most secretive of businesses — making Mr. Reid a dubious champion of openness.

“We know there are other people in Canadian society who would be more intuitively and logically comfortable with creating a government climate of open access to information,” said Elizabeth May of the Sierra Club.

The information commissioner serves as an ombudsman for users of the Access to Information Act. The federal law gives anyone who pays $5 the right to request information in federal files.

The commissioner often goes to bat for frustrated requesters, sometimes heading to court.

Kristen Ostling of the Campaign for Nuclear Phaseout said the notion of Mr. Reid’s appointment raises questions about the potential impact on environmental groups, which have frequently had trouble obtaining information about the nuclear industry.

“Are we going to be seeing further difficulties in groups trying to obtain information about nuclear issues?” asked Ms. Ostling.

Mr. Reid, 61, played down the environmental groups’ concerns, saying his major responsibility during his years at the nuclear association, which he joined in 1990, was running the communications program.

“We were preaching the virtues of openness, and accessibility and accountability. That was basically the function that I was fulfilling there.”

Mr. Reid had a hand in laying the groundwork for the federal access law as an MP in the 1970s.

He briefly served in cabinet as federal-provincial relations minister and left politics after his defeat in 1984.

John Grace, who spent almost eight years as information commissioner, retired at the end of April, leaving the post vacant.

The government’s last candidate for commissioner, veteran public servant Mary Gusella, withdrew her name amid concerns she would not be seen as entirely impartial.

 

Posted in Nuclear Economics, Nuclear Plant Security, Nuclear Power, Towards Shutdown | Tagged | Leave a comment

A competitive electricity future for New Brunswick

Tom Adams
Energy Probe
May 26, 1998

Table of Contents

Recommendations

Introduction

Chapter 1 Competition: The Customer’s Best Protection

Chapter 2 Coping with NB Power’s Nuclear Problems

Chapter 3 Public Process

NB Power’s Threatened Defamation Suit
Unfettered Operation of the Press

Response to the Discussion Paper’s Questions

1) Obligation to Serve
2) Cross Subsidies
3) Stranded Costs
4) Forms of Competition
5) Reliability of the Electricity System
6) Conservation and Environmental Considerations
7) Level Playing Field
8) Regulatory and Legislative Issues

Recommendations

1. The Taskforce should recommend that the provincial government not provide any further loan guarantees for NB Power and should treat existing obligations as preferred to new liabilities, as if the existing obligations were a first mortgage and new obligations were a second mortgage.

2.The Taskforce should recommend that the government of New Brunswick promote as much competition in the energy sector between fuels and between producers and marketers of energy products as possible. The role of government is to establish and police the rules that will guide the competitive market.

3.The experience in other jurisdictions which have made the transition to electricity competition should be examined thoroughly to help guide the process in New Brunswick.

4.Energy Probe encourages the Taskforce to recommend that the results of the technical and economic study of Point Lepreau now underway by consultants be released publicly, that a separate nuclear company be set up for Point Lepreau, and that the province begin the process of preparing for a non-nuclear future.

Introduction

This submission to the Taskforce on Electricity addresses the future direction of the New Brunswick’s power system. Energy Probe’s remarks reflect on the government’s discussion paper in the context of NB Power’s most recently published business plan for the period 1997-2002, NB Power testimony a year ago on this business plan in front of the Standing Committee on Crown Corporations, various public statements of the utility, and NB Power’s most recently issued accounts, which are for fiscal 1997. This report also addresses the need for a strong and open public process to address NB Power’s actions, choices, and priorities.

This study was prepared for Energy Probe and follows my two previous studies on NB Power, prepared for the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies. The two previous studies were, “New Brunswick’s Power Failure: Choosing a Competitive Alternative”, presented to the New Brunswick Legislative Assembly Standing Committee on Crown Corporations, 9 October 1996 and “Energizing New Brunswick Power: A Brighter Future for Consumers and Taxpayers”, February 5, 1997. They are attached as appendices A and B respectively.

The purpose of this study, as it was with my previous two studies, is to encourage wide discussion of important public policy matters related to New Brunswick’s energy industry, to help expand public understanding of some underlying technical and economic issues, and to continue to propose positive solutions to the NB Power’s problems based on privatization, competition, a reduced rate of environmental injury, and enhanced regulation. No other industrial sector is likely to exert as profound an influence on the economic prospects and environment integrity of the province as its electricity sector.

This study discusses Energy Probe’s concerns with the integrity of the public process surrounding discussions of electricity policy in New Brunswick. This concern arises as a result of the utility’s now resolved defamation suit against the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies, Energy Probe and myself related to my published analysis. Energy Probe is also concerned about actions the utility has taken against journalists reporting on it.

The central problems facing New Brunswick’s electricity future are NB Power’s financial liabilities and its nuclear problems including nuclear waste disposal and decommissioning costs, production problems, safety problems, and rising costs. With the exception of nuclear waste disposal and decommissioning problems, these problems are recognized in the government’s discussion paper.

Some suggest a “devil makes us do it” justification for adopting competitive reforms, arguing that New Brunswick must keep up with competitive reforms elsewhere. Energy Probe disagrees. Even if there were not powerful forces of electricity system change driving competing, and in some cases neighboring, jurisdictions to open their power markets, the reasons for New Brunswick to embrace this approach would be just as valid. An open, competitive, and private power system will discipline power producers to serve consumer interests, protect taxpayers from further liabilities, and break up the conflict of interest, resulting from government owning a business it should be regulating, that now forecloses effective regulation of the electricity business.

The overall perspective that Energy Probe encourages the Taskforce to adopt is to focus on the interests of consumers, taxpayers, and the natural environment. Too often in energy policy discussions the focus is on the interests of producers. Although the government’s discussion paper has many strengths, a weaknesses is that it frequently adopts a narrow producer-oriented outlook.

In discussing the impetus for change in Canada’s electricity sector, the discussion paper adopts a producer-based perspective, stating that “To a great extent, changes in Canada are due to a desire to maintain or gain further access to U. S. markets through marketing licences and thereby expand the economic benefits that Canadian utilities have received from selling into the U.S.” Even if more liberalized electricity trading across New Brunswick’s borders and the onset of full-blown competition reduces NB Power’s market share and revenues, open borders should be promoted. Competition will have the dual benefits of reducing cost for energy consumers and imposing discipline on NB Power. One of the major drivers for change in Ontario is the desire of consumers to gain access to competitively price power available in neighboring jurisdictions.

Another example of a producer-based perspective in the discussion paper is the statement “Until NB Power’s debt levels are reduced, it is very likely that it would be at a disadvantage to other participants in a competitive environment if the guarantee was removed.” As any firm would, NB Power will seek to maintain access to the provincial loan guarantee. However, the interest of taxpayers lie in ensuring that they are not exposed to future liabilities.

The Taskforce would best serve the long term interests of New Brunswickers by ensuring a level playing field for all energy producers, free from all subsidies and government guarantees. Until privatization, the government should not provide any further loan guarantees and should treat existing obligations as preferred to new liabilities as if the existing obligations were a first mortgage and new obligations were a second mortgage. The Ontario government appears to have decided to limit further loan guarantees. The Ontario energy minister recently announced that the province will not permit Ontario Hydro to expand its debt.(1)

Recommendation:

1. The Taskforce should recommend that the provincial government not provide any further loan guarantees for NB Power and should treat existing obligations as preferred to new liabilities, as if the existing obligations were a first mortgage and new obligations were a second mortgage.

Chapter 1
Competition: The Customer’s Best Protection

The ability of businesses, institutions, and residential customers in New Brunswick to benefit from an open electricity market should be a key policy priority. Electricity markets in Quebec and the U.S. Northeast are opening up, a process that is creating both risks and potential benefits for New Brunswick.

An oversight in NB Power’s 1997-2002 business plan is the absence of any discussion of models for electricity competition in use elsewhere. A wealth of competitive electricity transition experience exists in countries such as Australia, the U.K., and New Zealand. Instructive experience also exists in trading block regions such as Mercosur and the Nordic states. Subnational regions such as Alberta, the New England states, and the Pennsylvania-New Jersey-Maryland integrated dispatch area also have valuable lessons to share.

Experience in a wide range of jurisdictions and circumstances suggests that competition between energy commodities and between suppliers of particular commodities is the most effective force available to minimize energy costs and protect customers so far invented. Regulation is an unavoidable necessity to protect customers using natural monopoly services such as gas and electricity distribution systems. However, regulation pales in comparison to competition as a means of controlling energy costs over the long term and making producers accountable to their customers.

NB Power’s most recent business plan demonstrates that the utility is not yet prepared to recognize the consequences of true competition in electricity generation and marketing. The business plan states that “Over the next five years, NB Power intends to maintain its position as the prime supplier of electricity to businesses and residents of New Brunswick.” The plan further states that it is NB Power’s intention to “maintain and improve market share”. This statement clearly implies that the utility’s management is not considering customers gaining the right to select alternative suppliers at any time before the year 2002.

One interpretation of the statement in the business plan that NB Power intends to “maintain and improve market share” is that NB Power is intending to extend its influence beyond the electricity market to the gas business and thereby expand its share of the provincial energy market. In its testimony to the Committee, NB Power was more direct stating “We may even get into marketing gas.” (Hansard May 28, 1997 p. 29) Mr. Hankinson said, “We could become natural gas marketers.” (Hansard May 29, 1997 p. 50)

The arrival of natural gas in New Brunswick, particularly if a competitive electricity market is in place to facilitate the development of gas-fired power options, represents an excellent near term opportunity to reduce the province’s reliance on high emission and high cost coal, oil, and bitumen-fired power. In addition, over the medium term, natural gas can significantly ease the transition to a non-nuclear future for the province.

As discussed in my previous studies, there are substantial dangers to the public should NB Power be permitted to influence the development of natural gas in New Brunswick. The electricity and natural gas industries are natural competitors, often seeking sales in the same end-use markets. In New Brunswick, gas will have both price and environmental advantages over electricity. An electric utility’s natural inclination is to fight to protect market share in lucrative markets like water heating. On the other hand, the success of gas in New Brunswick will be enhanced if this fuel takes a large portion of the water heating market. The bests interests of consumers lie in vigorous competition to sort out this tension between gas and electricity interests. In Ontario, falling natural gas prices to consumers during the 1990s, due in large measure to the effects of natural gas deregulation, was one of the main factors driving Ontario Hydro to freeze its rates starting in 1994. If the development of the natural gas system in New Brunswick is curtailed for the benefit of NB Power, consumers and the environment will suffer.

NB Power’s demonstrated inability to invest and operate efficiently, discussed at length in my previous two studies, does not augur well for any foray it might make into the natural gas field. NB Power would be bankrupt if it were not for the protection afforded by its monopoly status and the provincial loan guarantees. It would not be prudent for the province to allow NB Power to expand into a new business with which the utility has no experience.

Based on NB Power’s publicly available statements, it is clear that the utility misunderstands the competitive challenge represented by the arrival of natural gas. The utility has built a provision into its revenue forecast of $10 million in the year 2000, $20 million in 2001, and $30 million in the year 2002 to recognize the potential impact of competition on revenues. Such a provision is prudent. However, the de minimis size of the provision is additional evidence that the utility is not taking competition seriously. By comparison, Consumers Gas, the gas distribution company serving more than half of the Ontario gas market, is anticipating that over the period 1994 through 1998 the volume of gas delivered to customers for self-generation purposes will increase by about 2.7 times, all of this during a period when Ontario Hydro is actively trying to prevent self-generation. (EBRO 497 I/T8/S2) By contrast, NB Power anticipates that after five years of natural gas being available, load loss to gas will only be 1% to 1.5% of sales at the end of that period and concludes that gas availability is “not a major factor” (Hansard May 29 p. 49-50). Ontario Hydro’s sales volume has dropped since 1989 largely due to gas-fired self generation and fuel switching from electricity to gas, as well as energy conservation stimulated by electricity rate increases.

An explanation for NB Power’s assumption of a de minimis effect from direct natural gas competition is its narrow producer perspective on the energy market. NB Power’s business plan notes, “The development of either natural gas pipeline will allow gas-fired generation to be established to produce electricity for local consumption or for export. The structure of transmission tariffs and proposed gas pipeline tariffs will determine the viability of supply to the US market…. NB Power has signed a precedent agreement for gas transportation and is engaged in the overall evaluation of potential power plant projects which could be fired with natural gas.” This comment suggests that NB Power does not understand the nature of the competitive challenge from gas. Gas as a fuel choice for power generation is important but will not impact electricity’s energy market share or the revenues of the utility. Interfuel competition should be expected to cut both electricity’s market share and electricity revenues. Gas-fired power generation on customer premises and fuel switching off electricity to gas for particular heating end uses, particularly space heating, water heating, and industrial process heating, will all cut into the utility’s core markets. Ongoing technology development will increase these competitive pressures.

Some awareness of the implications of electricity competition for the utility is starting to appear, as suggested by the following passage from the business plan. However the statements suggest some misunderstanding of the mechanisms for delivering competition and its benefits:

NB Power is well-positioned in the transmission network, with access to Quebec, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and Maine. However, NB Power also faces the following challenges:

* Traditional operating reserve benefits obtained through interconnections could be at risk.
* Large capacity interconnections will provide competitors with direct access to customers.
* NB Power has a large fixed component in its costs.
* Cross-subsidization still exists. This is for entire customer classes and for particular customer groupings within a class.

The reliability benefits of interconnections could be enhanced through the development of efficient markets. A properly constituted and operated independent system operator, as recommended in my paper “New Brunswick’s Power Failure” and as implemented around the world where electricity competition is being promoted, is the primary mechanism to solve the problem identified in the first bullet (“New Brunswick’s Power Failure”, pp. 36-37 and recommendation #13).

The second bullet refers to one of the major benefits of competition for customers. There is no good reason why all customers, both large and small, cannot participate in a competitive electricity market. Ontario’s natural gas market is deregulated and competitive for customers of all sizes, including homeowners. All classes of natural gas customers in Ontario have benefitted.

The third bullet refers to one of the major justifications for introducing competition–to prevent inefficient capital spending from occurring in the future. Competition makes energy producers accountable to customers by allowing customers to opt for alternative suppliers in the event that they can find more attractive arrangements elsewhere. Until competition is introduced, the mechanisms available to promote efficiency and accountability within NB Power-primarily government oversight and potentially regulation-are ineffective or absent.

The fourth bullet is important and should influence rate making decisions in preparation for competition. Rates should be designed on the basis of user pays. Cross-subsidies are inefficient and should be eliminated over a reasonable time horizon to minimize rate shock for those currently benefitting from cross-subsidies. While cross-subsidies are being eliminated, rates should be redesigned to provide customers with more effective options to reduce their costs. For example, the seasonal differential in cost of serving customers at the time of peak usage vs. the cost of serving customers when the demand for power is low should be reflected in price so that customers can manage their power consumption behaviour to minimize their costs.

Energy Probe has concerns with the “wheeling” model of competition put forward by NB Power, particularly in its presentation to the Standing Committee on Crown Corporations (Hansard May 29, 1997 pp. 10-20 ). “Wheeling” is a flawed method of implementing competition because of problems such simple bilateral trading creates for transmission management and load balancing. “Wheeling” can be made for work for a limited number of wholesale transactions but reliance on “wheeling” makes retail customer choice virtually impossible. In an extreme case, uncoordinated use of the transmission system is potentially dangerous since it could lead to a technological collapse of the transmission system. A pool-based alternative using an independent system operation should be pursued instead. As explained in my report “New Brunswick’s Power Failure”, an uncoordinated profusion of simple bilateral “retail wheeling” arrangements between individual producers and consumers is an ill advised approach (pp. 36-37).

It is difficult to understand why NB Power would propose a retail competition model that is unworkable and threatens reliability while overlooking successful models that are functioning to the advantage of customers in other jurisdictions.

A market design objective for New Brunswick is to ensure that owners of existing facilities with full incremental costs below the value of power will have incentives to continue to operate. The system should work such that, in general, facilities are “under-utilized” when their incremental costs (ignoring sunk capital costs) exceed market value. In this situation, although some generating capacity may “under-utilized”, the public interest in cost minimization is best served. From the perspective of planning an orderly transition to new a market environment, including providing employees with information relevant to their future, it is important to figure out what facilities are at risk of economic closure. As discussed in my previous studies, the Grand Lake coal-fired station is an example of a facility that could be beneficially closed immediately. Point Lepreau is also candidate for early closure in the medium term.

NB Power is developing partnerships with interests experienced in gas-fired power production for prospective developments at Coleson Cove, Courtney Bay, and Belledune. It is not clear that these locations and the proposed facilities there represent the highest value opportunities for gas-fired power development in the province. Rather than relying on NB Power to guide development, the interests of consumers and producers mediated through an efficient market should guide decisions on the scope, timing, and location of future electricity ventures. For markets to function best in redeveloping existing facilities, those facilities should be privatized.

Recommendations:

2.The Taskforce should recommend that the government of New Brunswick promote as much competition in the energy sector between fuels and between producers and marketers of energy products as possible. The role of government is to establish and police the rules that will guide the competitive market.

3. The experience in other jurisdictions which have made the transition to electricity competition should be examined thoroughly to help guide the process in New Brunswick.

Chapter 2
Coping with NB Power’s Nuclear Problems

The high costs and operating difficulties at Point Lepreau are the root cause of many of NB Power’s problems.

NB Power deserves recognition for noting in its most recent business plan that Point Lepreau is the utility’s primary “business challenge”. Although the business plan forecasts production averaging an extremely aggressive and probably unachievable 85% capacity factor for the plan period, it is important to remember that the previous plan assumed a 95% capacity factor.(2) For the first time, NB Power’s plans include financial risk analysis for nuclear production shortfalls.

Ontario Hydro’s reactors have suffered a pronounced decline with age, a pattern being repeated by Point Lepreau. The long term prospects for the reactor appear to be lower production than in the past or in the utility’s plans.

NB Power is assuming that Point Lepreau will operate well for an expected service life of 31 years. The weight of evidence gained from experience around the world suggests that early closure, at some time in the 20th to 25th year of service is likely.

To be prudent and to more accurately reflect its costs, NB Power should accelerate the depreciation of the reactor. One of NB Power’s recent accounting changes has been to effectively slow down the rate of nuclear depreciation. This is the result of the utility’s decision to stop separately depreciating pressure tubes and to report as income over time funds previously accumulated in recognition of depreciation for reactor pressure tubes.

In order to deal with the problems represented by Point Lepreau, a separate nuclear company should be set up. The creation of a separate nuclear company required to keep and report its own accounts would assist the public in tracking nuclear costs. As discussed in “New Brunswick’s Power Failure”, the management options to deal with the cost, production and safety problems at Point Lepreau are completely different than they are for the non-nuclear portion of NB Power. Facing the prospect of continued unfavourable cost and production pressures, it would prudent for the province to begin preparing for Point Lepreau’s replacement.

Recommendation:

4. Energy Probe encourages the Taskforce to recommend that the results of the technical and economic study of Point Lepreau now underway by consultants be released publicly, that a separate nuclear company be set up for Point Lepreau, and that the province begin the process of preparing for a non-nuclear future.

Chapter 3
Public Process

An open, informed public discussion about NB Power and its activities is necessary to help the province deal with its energy issues. Unfortunately, NB Power has taken some actions to impede this public discussion.

NB Power’s Threatened Defamation Suit

On March 10, 1997, counsel for NB Power wrote to Energy Probe, myself, and the directors of AIMS indicating the utility’s intention to proceed with a defamation suit against us. The letter complained about a number of statements made in the February report “Energizing New Brunswick Power” and the associated press release.

My reply, on behalf of Energy Probe and myself, is attached as Appendix C. The reply defended each of my statements which were impugned as factually correct and neither withdrew nor apologized for any statement Energy Probe has been associated with. Subsequent developments surrounding NB Power, particularly the publication of the AECB 1996 staff report on Point Lepreau, has continued to confirm the factual basis of the impugned statements.

NB Power’s counsel appeared to take particular exception to my procedural recommendation that at future Legislative Assembly reviews of NB Power presenters be required to testify under oath. There are several reasons I made this recommendation. The Legislative Assembly’s Standing Committee on Crown Corporations is NB Power’s de facto regulator. It is normal, as a matter of procedure and policy, for regulatory bodies to receive sworn testimony. As indicated in “Energizing New Brunswick Power”, NB Power’s previous presentations to the Committee were deficient in a number of respects. My concerns relate particularly to the utility’s statements about its reserve margin, and its finances. My conclusion was and is that the legislature and the public are entitled to better information than NB Power has provided. The recent Select Committee of the Ontario Legislature inquiring into Ontario Hydro’s nuclear problems had the power to examine witnesses under oath.

NB Power’s May 23, 1997 notice to the court to withdraw its liable action against us was a welcome decision to allow discussions about the status and future of New Brunswick’s power system take place in the open public arena, not in the courts.

Unfettered Operation of the Press

NB Power’s behaviour towards some members of the press who reported on the lawsuit raises an acute concern with Energy Probe.

On May 15, 1997, I spoke to Dr. Stephen Salaff seeking any new information he might have learned about the lawsuit, which at the time was still pending. Dr. Salaff and his co-author, David McArthur are very well respected freelance journalists writing for small circulation energy and environmental journals and newletters.

Dr. Salaff recounted the following sequence of events: He had pursued NB Power to obtain an update on the law suit and the safety condition at Lepreau. He had directed his inquiries first through NB Power’s communications consultant David Hawkins, and then through Marcella Leblanc, NB Power’s director of public affairs. Dr. Salaff started these inquiries on Thursday May 8. Ms. Leblanc had promised him a reply on the lawsuit by May 14, his publication deadline. No reply on the lawsuit was forthcoming by the deadline, although the utility did provide information on the condition of Point Lepreau. Dr. Salaff called on May 15 to indicate that he was still interested in the answer. His call was received Jeffrey Carleton in the public affairs department who indicated that Ms. Leblanc was in meetings all day on the new business plan and that the utility could not comment on anything to do with the suit because everyone was working on the plan. Dr. Salaff indicated that the utility was large enough to find someone to answer his question. Mr. Carleton then asked who Dr. Salaff was working for. Upon being told that Dr. Salaff was writing for Northeast Power Report (NPR) and Electricity Daily, Mr. Carleton said that Dr. Salaff was being abusive. Mr. Carleton then phoned both NPR and Electricity Daily to complain, and while his complaint did not receive support from Robert Maritz, editor of Electricity Daily, NPR’s editor, Ron Dionne, did support Carleton. Subsequently, Mr. Dionne called Dr. Salaff to say that he believed Mr. Carleton’s assertion that Dr. Salaff was abusive and that NPR would no longer do business with him. Mr. Carleton later confirmed to me that he complained to Mr. Dionne about Dr. Salaff.

On May 15, 1997, I called Mr. Dionne to ask him about NB Power’s communication with him. He confirmed that he had spoken with NB Power and that Dr. Salaff would no longer work for NPR but refused to provide an explanation. Since last May, Dr. Salaff and Mr. McArthur have attempted to acquire new freelance assignments from NPR without success.

Energy Probe considers that the press plays an essential role in an open public discussion about NB Power and the province’s electricity future. Interference in the functioning of the press by any party is inappropriate.

Response to the Discussion Paper’s Questions

This section of the report briefly addresses each of the questions raised in the discussion paper and follows its numbering system.

1) Obligation to Serve

The entire electricity market is unlikely for the foreseeable future to become “fully competitive” since distribution and transmission entities will have complete or substantial monopoly power and should therefore be regulated. Regulated transmission and distribution entities should bear an obligation to deliver power from the competitive market. Generation entities should not have an obligation to serve, other than any contractual arrangements that they establish. Imposing an obligation to serve carries the quid pro quo of consumers having an obligation to pay the costs of the generator. Just as producers ought to have the freedom of entry to or exit from the electricity market, consumers should be empowered to make commercial supply arrangements with producers of their choice.

The protection of a monopoly franchise allows some of the business risk associated with spending on generating facility to be externalized onto ratepayers. Similarly, the protection of loan guarantees allows business risk to be externalized onto taxpayers. The dangers of an “obligation to serve” for power producers is illustrated by NB Power’s massive excess generation capacity and undue cost. A detailed technical discussion of these problems is provided in “New Brunswick’s Power Failure” pp. 14-17 and recommendation #6 and “Energizing NB Power” pp. 4-7.

As the experience in all other fully competitive electricity jurisdictions indicates, market prices provide a powerful incentive to producers to ensure that sufficient facilities are available to meet future requirements. A well designed and efficient market will ensure that supply and demand interact constructively. Efficient commodity prices for electricity will signal the need for new supply.

An efficient spot market for electricity ensures that freedom of exit for producers poses no reliability issue at the consumer level. In a functioning competitive market, if a supplier defaults or ceases operation, contractual obligations notwithstanding, its customers are left with the spot market to ensure continuity of supply.

Questions:

b) Do you believe the market place will ensure a safe, continuous, reliable and adequate supply of electricity?

Alberta’s power market illustrates a successful Canadian example of how reliability is achieved. The Alberta experience is discussed in “New Brunswick’s Power Failure” pp. 31-33.

c) What do you think should be the responsibilities or obligations of electricity suppliers competing to supply electricity to New Brunswick customers? How do you enforce such responsibilities or obligations?

A regulatory agency, strengthened as set out in “New Brunswick’s Power Failure” p. 35, should oversee all monopoly functions. A regulatory agency could also undertake licensing of market suppliers to ensure compliance with the rules governing the system. All suppliers should be required to abide by a consistent and stringent set of environmental rules.

d) Should there be a default supplier to ensure that all customers are served?

As set out in “New Brunswick’s Power Failure” pp. 36-38, an efficient spot market can provide this function. Norway currently very successfully uses the spot market as the default supplier. Many customers, including homeowners, use the spot market as their supplier of choice.

2) Cross Subsidies

Energy Probe considers that subsidies for disadvantaged groups are best delivered by government and, to maximize opportunities for the disadvantaged, best provided in cash rather than in kind. Energy pricing should be based on the principle of user pays.

NB Power alleges that cross-subsidies exist within its rates, however, in the current circumstances, without competitive benchmarks, such assessments are based on assumption-ridden cost of service studies. These studies have not been publicly reviewed in recent times to ensure that they reflect the rapidly changing circumstances in the energy market. NB Power’s assertions about cross subsidies should not be accepted at face value.

In the U.K., the introduction of competition initially led to rate increases for subsidized very large industrial consumers, but eventually the efficiency gains from competition overwhelmed the subsidy loss. As a result, large customers have seen their prices drop along with all other customer classes. See “New Brunswick’s Power Failure p. 29.

Response to Questions:

a) Do you believe the market should ultimately determine prices or should there continue to be subsidies provided to certain customers?

Regulators should set the prices for monopoly services and competitive markets should be allowed to price electricity commodities including kilowatt hours and many ancillary services like black start, regional voltage support, and automatic generation control.

b) If you favour continued subsidies, who should receive the subsidy and who should pay for the subsidy?

Subsidies to disadvantaged groups should be provided by government directly, not indirectly through the power system. The benefits of general rate subsidies designed to assist the disadvantaged confer benefit on many well to do parties.

3) Stranded Costs

NB Power’s stranded costs have arisen because of irresponsible decisions and wasteful practices. In an open electricity market, a large portion of NB Power’s liabilities could not be discharged. The bulk of these costs are not new but reflect past actions. However, despite NB Power’s gradual reductions in its capital spending excesses, its ongoing capital program appears to be adding to stranded cost. The current business plan is based on an assumption that capital spending will range between $70 and $85 million annually over the plan period yet no new capacity is being added. The previous plan had assumed annual capital spending of $100 million.

Any discussion of stranded cost minimization should reflect not only on liabilities minimization but also on asset protection. An important deficiency in the current business plan is the absence of any details on how the utility plans to maintaining the public’s assets under its control in good condition in light of reduced capital and operating spending. The trade-off between spending control and maintenance of asset quality is an inherently difficult management issue. The focus of asset management should be the long-term public interest. As noted, relative to the previous business plan, forecasted capital spending is down by up to $15 to $30 million per year. No explanation is provided as to where the cuts will be made or their implications. Based on published information, the public has no assurance that the utility is not “mining” or “harvesting” its assets.

New Brunswickers would be well served by avoiding the mistakes made by Ontario Hydro in failing to maintains is system in adequate condition. During its restructuring, Ontario Hydro has publicly admitted to starving its hydro-electric assets of maintenance over a period of decades. A public audit of NB Power, as previously recommended by the Standing Committee on Crown Corporations, should be charged with independently confirming the current maintenance condition of the system and assessing the planned maintenance programs.

Energy Probe’s assessment is that customers are not currently servicing fully the nuclear waste disposal and decommissioning portion of NB Power’s existing liabilities. One of the most important issues to deal with in developing a program to manage stranded cost is ensuring that nuclear waste disposal and decommissioning requirements are fully funded.

Questions:

a) In your view, do you believe that the introduction of competition will result in stranded costs for NB Power?

NB Power’s variable costs exceed Hydro Quebec’s industrial power prices and are close to the total cost of power from new gas-fired cogeneration facilities. Therefore, an open power market should be expected to “strand” most NB Power’s obligations.

b) How should the amount of costs be determined? What should be done to minimize or mitigate stranded costs?

The only way to objectively quantify stranded cost is to privatize NB Power’s assets and liabilities as advocated in my previous two studies. Without privatization, estimates of stranded cost are unverifiable. Until privatization, the government should not proffer any further loan guarantees and should treat existing obligations as preferred to new liabilities as if the existing obligations were a first mortgage and new obligations were a second mortgage.

c) How should stranded costs be recovered? In full? Over how long?

My report “New Brunswick’s Power Failure” discusses the options for stranded cost recovery at pp. 37-38 and recommends recovery from taxpayers as the most efficient method and recovery from ratepayers as a second best measure.

Since the government has guaranteed or directly assumed NB Power’s debt, the people of New Brunswick are required to pay the stranded debt cost. As a result, there is no responsible method to avoid recovering the full amount of stranded debt obligations. Similarly, there is no responsible way to avoid fully paying the stranded cost, what ever it might be, of nuclear waste disposal and decommissioning.

d) Should customers be allowed to escape or bypass stranded costs by exiting from the incumbent utility by either installing their own generation or switching to alternative suppliers?

Energy Probe believes that all customers, including self generators, should make an equitable contribution to stranded cost recovery. The purpose of restructuring is not to allow any parties avoid paying their fair share for stranded cost but to create a sustainable system that can avoid creating such problems in future.

4) Forms of Competition

Questions:

a) Which arrangement best meets the needs of New Brunswick?

My previous reports outline a comprehensive program to create a competitive power system in New Brunswick designed to maximize the benefits to consumers while capping the liabilities on taxpayers. The main features of this proposal are: disaggregate transmission, distribution, generation, and system dispatch functions; create strong regulatory mechanisms to oversee monopoly functions; encourage competition among generators; strengthen environmental regulation; and, privatize the former components of NB Power.

b) Should customer choice be provided? For certain customer classes only? For all customer classes?

Energy policy should not attempt to provide customers with choice in the sense of establishing alternative options but it should allow choice so that alternative options can develop in the market place. All customers should have the same rights to shop for power. Discrimination between the rights of customers are inherently subjective, vulnerable to manipulation, unfair, and injurious to efficiency. When Ontario deregulated its natural gas commodity market in 1985, all customers regardless of size gained the same right to shop and all customers have benefitted with reduced energy costs.

c) Which customer class(es) would derive the most benefits from competition and customer choice? Would any be disadvantaged?

With the exception of Peru, all examples around the world of transitions to fully competitive electricity markets have demonstrated a reduction in rates. In Peru, the transition to competition was accompanied by elimination of large-scale subsidies from government.

d) What should be the pace at which competition should be introduced? Should it be introduced in stages?

As advocated in both my previous studies, the transition to full competition should be as rapid as can be achieved consistent with maintenance of reliable service. The process of designing efficient new market mechanisms requires a number of years of effort by qualified experts.

e) Should New Brunswick be part of a larger competitive electricity market? E.g. Maritimes, Eastern Canada, Northeast US.

The best interests of consumers lies in maximizing their competitive purchasing options. The larger the market consumers can access, the better off they will be. In addition, increasing the size of the competing interconnected market should reduce the cost of maintaining reliability reserves.

5) Reliability of the Electricity System

Response to Questions:

a) Would having NB Power’s transmission and distribution activities operating under a “code of conduct” be sufficient for competition in New Brunswick?

Integrated monopolies are inconsistent with competition. Effective, competitive markets require competitive institutions. Real separation of ownership rather than paper separation guided by “codes of conduct” are required if competition is to flourish. New Brunwick’s electricity system should be disaggregated into its functional components and divested through privatization.

b) Should an ISO and PX be established in New Brunswick:

i) as separate entities? ii) or as one combined entity?

An integrated ISO/PX would facilitate a competitive market best. See “New Brunswick’s Power Failure” pp. 36-38.

c) Who should be represented on the boards of the ISO and the PX. To whom are the ISO and PX accountable? Who regulates them?

A variety of alternatives are used around the world. The Ontario Market Design committee has considered this question and opted for an “interested” board composed primarily of stakeholders. In Energy Probe’s view, if the ISO/PX is to have any regulatory functions, its board should be independent.

d) How should NB Power plan and operate its system in the interim?

NB Power should be closely overseen by an independent regulator in the interim before its breakup and the introduction of competition to ensure minimization of stranded cost, protection of assets, maintenance of reliability, and an efficient transition to competition. The regulator may also have to prevent anti-competitive activities in the interim period.

e) If conflicts arise in the interim, what mechanisms should be put in place to resolve them?

An independent regulatory agency should resolve potential conflicts in the interim period.

6) Conservation and Environmental Considerations

In Energy Probe’s view, some of the key environmental deficiencies of New Brunswick’s electricity system are the absence of secure and adequate funding for nuclear waste disposal, the environmental unacceptability of continuing to mine coal in New Brunswick, and the underutilized potential for cogeneration in New Brunswick. The government discussion paper does not deal with any of these concerns.

Nuclear waste disposal and decommissioning should be funded in an account external to and legal unavailable to the waste producer. NB Coal, a subsidiary of NB Power, should be closed and the environment in the coal mining areas restored as well as possible. For a further discussion of the environmental and economic need to close NB Coal, see “Energizing NB Power” pp. 7-9. Cogeneration, fueled by natural gas and other fuels, should be aggressively promoted, primarily through the creation of an open market where the benefits of cogeneration can best be realize.

Response to Questions:

a) In your view, should demand side management be maintained in a competitive environment? Should public policy be used to examine/promote the continuation and expansion of demand side management?

One of the benefits of competition in the supply of electricity is to help identify those energy conservation and demand side management (DSM) programs that are cost effective and those that are not. Previously, utilities with the obligation to serve often thought that DSM in general was a low cost option when compared to the development of new generation, yet in many cases found that apparently cost effective programs could not be operated without subsidies. The development of competition has revealed that DSM programs requiring subsidies are generally not cost-effective. In jurisdictions making the switch to competition, debt associated with DSM programs is now recognized as a stranded cost.

Even if the Taskforce were to take the view that subsidized DSM was desirable, that would not justify supporting the continuation of NB Power. NB Power’s demand reduction programs appear to have had little effect on demand.

The provincial government and the regulator should aggressively encourage energy efficiency and discourage waste. Energy producers, like NB Power, have a conflict of interest in promoting conservation since it is inconsistent with maximizing energy sales. Any proposal to rely on energy producers to promote conservation is likely to fail.

b) Do you feel that demand side management programs are necessary in a competitive environment?

Demand side management programs can be accommodated in a competitive environment. Some energy conservation technologies, such as industrial cogeneration, are unlikely to flourish without competition. Experience with competitive markets around the world indicates that rational pricing reflecting the balance of supply and demand is a particularly effective signal to energy conservation at times of scarcity. In addition, the regulator of the transmission and distribution entities can promote demand side management. If subsidies are considered necessary and desirable to maintain DSM programs, the cost of those subsidies can be recovered from transmission users.

c) Should the system operator recognize environmental considerations in making dispatch decisions? Should customers be given appropriate information enabling them to choose to buy “green” power, even if it results in higher energy costs?

One of the guiding principles we recommend for creating an effective independent system operator is that it be a pure intermediary-never holding title to power-only creating the conditions for it to be traded efficiently. Since the independent system operator should not have an interest in power produced or traded, it should not be responsible for the environmental impacts of power production or social considerations related to consumer behaviour. Environmental responsibility should rest with polluters-those whose facilities emit noxious substances, create health risks, or diminish habitat.

System operators can help to facilitate markets for “green” power. Energy Probe’s position on green power is set out at http://www.nextcity.com/EnergyProbe/OntarioHydro/reports/scoping.htm and http://www.nextcity.com/EnergyProbe/OntarioHydro/reports/Macdsup.htm.

d) Should public policy require that a certain portion of power supplied be “green”?

Government should aggressively encourage energy conservation and renewable energy. A variety of mechanisms exist to achieve this. The program for a renewable power auction in the U.K. has proven very successful. Energy Probe’s preference is that the market not be skewed artificially to benefit particular technologies.

7) Level Playing Field

Response to Questions:

a) Do you believe that the Government should change the rules affecting NB Power such that they would be treated the same as private companies in relation to taxation, rate of return, dividends, and debt levels?

All participants in the power market should pay their costs, including taxes. However, since NB Power would be bankrupt if it were not for the protection afforded by its monopoly status and the provincial loan guarantees, there is no economic opportunity make it pay its fair share of taxes.

b) Should the Government change the capitalization of NB Power by using public funds to reduce its debt level thus, placing it on a sound financial footing similar to a private company?

Protection of the taxpayer requires that NB Power be prevented from incurring any new liabilities. Taxpayers are likely to pay a severe penalty if NB Power is allowed to continue operations, particularly if it is excused of any of its costs. Rather, NB Power should be wound up through a process of disaggregation and privatization of the parts.

c) Do you feel that the Electric Power Act should be changed to alter the rules under which NB Power must operate to better match that of a private organization?

See the previous answer.

d) Should NB Power be expected to participate in programs resulting from the social policies of the Provincial government? If so, should the government compensate NB Power for any extra costs it should incur or should these extra costs be included in the regulated tariffs charged to all customers?

The social policies of the provincial government should be carried out outside of the energy system of the province.

e) Would you be in favour of the Government selling all or part of NB Power? If only part, what part do you think should be sold?

Energy Probe advocates privatization of NB Power on grounds of environmental protection, taxpayer protection, and long term cost minimization within the energy system.

8) Regulatory and Legislative Issues

Response to Questions:

a) In your view, how should NB Power be regulated in the future?

Electricity transmission and distribution entities in New Brunswick should be regulated by an independent quasi-judicial body in an open public process. Power producers and marketers may also be subject to licensing administered through the regulator or the ISO/PX.

b) Should all competitors be subject to the same form of regulation?

The principle of regulatory equality for all should apply.

c) Who should regulate the transmission and distribution tariffs?

See above.

d) Who should regulate any ISO?

The ISO/PX should be regulated through an independent quasi-judicial regulatory body and also subject to all prevailing competition law.

e) What should be the role of the existing Public Utilities Board?

The existing Public Utilities Board should be strengthened and empowered to oversee NB Power in the interim and also given the responsibility to oversee and participate in the creation of a competitive market.

f) Who should be responsible for overseeing the introduction of competition?

Many models exist around the world. A particularly attractive model was the one used in the State of Victoria in Australia. There a government ministry, supported by recognized experts, supervised the creation of a competitive market. A detailed discussion of the Victoria model is available at http://www.nextcity.com/main/article/ep/97-12-05-EnergyAnalects.htm.

g) How should disputes be settled?

See above.

1. The Ottawa Citizen, May 9 199, “Ontario will block Hydro bid to increase debt: Utility has ‘borrowed to the limit,’ energy minister says”.

2. Capacity factor is the ratio of actual production divided by what production would have been had the facility operated at its rated capacity for the entire period. Ontario Hydro’s nuclear capacity factor in 1997 was 60.8% and the capacity factor of Point Lepreau was 61.8% (based on StatsCan 57-001-xpb).

Posted in New Brunswick Power | Leave a comment

Northern pipeline a sure thing if gas-fired power plant is built

Lisa Hrabluk
The Telegraph Journal
April 22, 1998

SAINT JOHN – The company building the Sable Island pipeline says a lateral line to Northern New Brunswick will likely happen if NB Power can hammer out an agreement with a Belgium-based power company that wants to build a power generation plant in Belledune.

Although a complete economic analysis of the proposed Tractebel natural gas generating facility still needs to be completed, Mike Whalen of Maritime and Northeast Pipeline says initial estimates of consumption rates are encouraging.

“A power plant of that size with that much gas requirements would certainly be the anchor load that everybody has been looking for to justify a lateral to the Belledune area,” Mr. Whalen said.

“Certainly it is a positive step in the right direction and we are happy to hear about it,” Mr. Whalen said.

Representatives with Maritime and Northeast Pipeline have long stated they will build a lateral pipeline to New Brunswick’s north shore if a significant market can be found.

Now it looks like they might have that market base.

Tractebel, a Belgium-based $14.7-billion multinational, has signed a memorandum of understanding with NB Power to build a privately owned natural gas power plant in Belledune, a small village of 2,200 on the shores of Chaleur Bay.

The plant, valued between $150- and $200-million, would use 50-million cubic feet of natural gas every day, the equivalent of 50,000 homes.

Andy Flanagan, the mayor of Belledune, is thrilled to hear natural gas may soon be heading north.

While he thinks the generation plant will be a wonderful addition to his small village’s tax base, he’s even more excited that his constituents may finally have the same energy choices as Southern New Brunswick residents.

“We’d be on an even keel with the rest of the country that has natural gas,” he said, adding that natural gas would help the north shore attract businesses to the region.

Natural Resources Minister Alan Graham said NB Power and Tractebel representatives will spend the next four months closely examining the project to determine if indeed it is feasible.

He estimates Tractebel will spend approximately $1-million to complete the study that will likely examine transmission line access, natural gas access, tolling rates and the availability of existing industrial infrastructure.

What Belledune has to offer is the foundation of an unused unit built next to the existing plant that represents $20-million worth of construction.

Mr. Graham said he has been working to bring projects like the Tractebel proposal to New Brunswick so the province will be able to to capitalize on natural gas.

According to Mr. Graham, most of the money to be made from the natural gas pipeline will be made through generation plants that sell power to a growing American market looking for new forms of energy.

“If we don’t get some projects built in New Brunswick they are certainly going to get built in Maine or New Hampshire or Massachusetts because that’s where most of the gas is going to go,” he said.

Supposing that the Be lgium utility does build in Belledune it will continue the company’s aggressive expansion plans in North America.

Last January Tractebel Power Inc., the company’s North American subsidiary added three acquisitions to its growing list of power generating facilities.

Officials with Canadian subsidiary Tractebel Canada Inc. increased its ownership in a Windsor, Ont., natural gas-powered cogeneration plant, to 98 per cent.

In the U.S., Tractebel Power and Florida Power and Light Group formed a equal partnership and purchased gas fired combined-cycle facilities in Bellingham, Mass., and in Sayreville, N.J.

The company also bought a cogeneration facility in San Gabriel, Calif.

In addition Tractebel is also developing power generating facilities in Mississippi and New Hampshire.

Tom Adams, the executive director of utility watchdog Energy Probe predicts that Tractebel won’t be the only company to come calling in New Brunswick as the arrival date for Sable Island’s natural gas draws closer.

“I think its safe to assume this is going to be the first of many,” he said.

Mr. Adams has watched Tractebel increase its holdings in the United States to its current 16 plants and he says the company’s interest in the Belledune site signals how important Sable Island gas is to the American market.

“Tractebel, because it has several facilities in operation, is in an excellent position to know where the market is going in New England.”

And Mr. Adams, long a critic of the way NB Power has managed its nuclear and coal generation plants, believes Tractebel may be able to capitalize on its new partner’s continuing problems. at its Point Lepreau nuclear generating plant.

“With all the difficulties NB Power is having at Lepreau and the very significant dependance New Brunswick has on Lepreau’s output, if those difficulties continue some of this power [from Tractebel] might be needed in New Brunswick.”

Posted in New Brunswick Power | Leave a comment

Municipal utility privatization in Ontario: putting the public first

Thomas Adams
Energy Analects
April 13, 1998

Instead of planning cutbacks and struggling to avoid tax increases to deal with new costs imposed on them by the unpopular Harris government downloading, Ontario municipalities could be planning to use the funds from a perpetual, income generating endowment and preparing to issue a special dividend payment to taxpayers. This happy reversal of fortune can be realized by converting an asset that today generates no revenue for its municipal owners-its electric distribution utility-into cash.

Ready or not, Ontario’s municipal utilities are about to be thrown into the harshest climate they have ever seen. The Ontario government’s White Paper clearly indicates that all utilities in the future, whether public or private, will be on the same footing with regard to taxation and the need to produce dividends while the public utilities will lose access to loan guarantees. In addition, the new regulatory regime will support a level playing field between electricity and the private natural gas distribution industry. Without the distortions caused by the past favours given to publicly owned utilities, the advantages of changing the status quo can be examined clearly.

In most municipalities, the electric utility is their single-biggest asset. Responsible management of the public’s assets should include a running assessment of the choice of selling versus holding. Prevailing low interest rates, ongoing changes in the energy industry, and current market valuations in Canada and abroad, to say nothing of the new cost pressures on municipalities due to provincial government downloading, all suggest that now is a good time to sell.

The new Toronto Hydro is likely to attract the strongest interest from the market as a privatization prospect due to its large size and unique market. The new Toronto Hydro distributes about 25% of Ontario’s total electricity production, serves about 650,000 meters and about 2.3 million citizens, has annual revenues close to $2 billion, and handles a peak load of approximately 4 000 megawatts. It is the fourth largest electrical utility in Canada behind Ontario Hydro, Hydro-Quebec and B.C. Hydro and is the second largest distribution utility in North America after Los Angeles Power & Light. The new Toronto Hydro has a total debt of only $62 million.

What might the new Toronto Hydro be worth? The new Toronto Hydro’s book equity is $1.5 billion – a figure that almost certainly undervalues the firm. Located in the extreme eastern corner of Ontario, Cornwall Electric was recently sold to Consumers Gas at a price-to-earnings multiple of approximately 27 times. By this measure, the new Toronto Hydro would be worth $1.9 billion. A limitation with a traditional price-to-earnings valuation is that both Cornwall Electric and Toronto Hydro have been until now effectively non-profit firms. Valuing Toronto Hydro based on a comparison with Cornwall Electric’s revealed price per unit of its power delivered puts the value of Toronto Hydro at about $1.4 billion. This comparison, too, is limited because of Toronto’s significantly higher electricity prices and its correspondingly higher level of conservation. Any valuation comparison based on the Cornwall experience must take that city’s relatively small size and economic difficulties into account.

The five newly “corporatized” distribution utilities in the State of Victoria, Australia were sold in the latter half of 1995 for $8.3 billion Australian or $8.8 billion Canadian at the current currency value. All of the Victorian distribution utilities serve some customers in the state’s metropolis – Melbourne – but two of the five also serve vast, nearly deserted rural areas. Valued on the basis of Victoria’s revealed valuation per person served, the new Toronto Hydro might be worth as much as $4.4 billion.

In considering the potential value of the municipal distribution utilities, it is important to consider the full range of potential activities and revenue streams that might be developed. For example, there is tremendous potential for power distributors to build value in the communications fields such as local telephone service, home security, Internet, and cable TV.

Today’s municipally-owned utilities, accustomed to slow rates of change, limited scope for decision making due to Ontario Hydro’s regulatory role over the them, and little commercial risk, are unlikely to be suited for a business environment fraught with significant commercial risks and rapid changes in both technology and markets. The high upfront costs necessary to break into the communications market combined with the lack of technical, managerial, and marketing experience directly related to communications within the municipal utilities all present barriers to realizing the potential value of the utilities without privatization. Without institutional reform, the potential communications value of electric distribution utilities will probably have to be realized by farming out space on the poles or some such scheme.

Privatization would create institutional circumstances to shield the public from financial consequences should technology investments go awry. Without privatization, municipal utility efforts to expand into the communications field will expose the public to the risk of diminishing the value of their existing assets. The high technology field is littered with the remains of start-up companies that had ideas that sounded good at the time.

Where privatization is not immediately in the offing, the leadership of municipal utilities should work hard now to build market value in their operations. Managing liabilities may prove key to maximizing future value. Examples where management can add value include making their utilities PCB free, establishing labour agreements flexible enough to allow the firm to respond to changes in the market place, and ensuring well designed and maintained physical distribution assets.

Distribution utility privatization can be conducted in a manner that guarantees a good deal for electricity rate payers and responsible treatment of workers. The privatization of Cornwall Electric resulted in a long term guarantee from the purchaser, Consumers Gas, that rates will be lower than those of comparable utilities, matching the rate intentions of the previous management. In addition the purchaser agreed to provide employment guarantees for incumbent workers. The Cornwall deal is equivalent to a homeowner being offered a purchase agreement where the owner gets to stay in the house at the former carrying cost, the tenants keep their apartments, and owner pockets the sale price.

Key milestones in Ontario’s electricity industry reform will be actions by the provincial government to clarify the ownership of municipal utilities and to bring municipal utilities under the Ontario Business Corporations Act. The latter legal change will establish the scope of ownership and sales options available to municipalities including selling parts of their operations or selling entire utilities.

If municipal leaders choose privatization, they will need to deal with the proceeds. The best options are funding the social services and other goods that only governments can provide and/or distributing the proceeds.

In Cornwall, councillors decided to use about 60% of the proceeds of the sale to eliminate the municipal debt, an action that will benefit the community for many years into the future. The remainder went into a perpetual fund whose interest supports municipal capital projects.

For other communities, many options exist for dealing with the proceeds of a sale. Here are three:

  • A portion of the funds could be reserved for an instrument like the Toronto Atmospheric Fund, dedicated to doing good works for the environment in perpetuity.
  • Major urban problems like homelessness, which are always under-resourced or subject to the vagaries of political whims, could be addressed with capital projects or endowments.
  • Since municipal utilities were created to serve their customers, citizens have strong claim to at least a portion of the proceeds. A special dividend could be declared for each household. Toronto Hydro is likely to be worth at least $2 billion and if we assume half that amount is split evenly among customers, each cheque would be made out for over $1,500.

When was the last time municipal leaders had such good news for their constituents?

(Tom Adams is a consultant with Borealis Energy Research Associates, a principal client of which is the environmental organization Energy Probe, which Mr. Adams represents as executive director.)

Posted in Reforming Ontario's Local Electrical Distribution Sector | Leave a comment

Feds to probe nurses’ illness

Gloria Galloway
The Hamilton Spectator
April 7, 1998

 

Atomic agency reacts to Hamilton concerns

 

Canada’s atomic energy regulator will determine if a high incidence of thyroid disease among nurses at the former Hamilton Civic Hospitals can be attributed to a radioactive drug they dispensed in the 1970s and ’80s.

A recent Spectator investigation found at least seven of an estimated 14 nurses on the intravenous team at Hamilton General Hospital, who injected patients with fibrinogen 125 between 1975 and 1985, have experienced serious thyroid problems.

One has had thyroid cancer. Others have had their thyroid glands medically or surgically removed.

And after the article was published last month, two additional nurses who dispensed the drug at Henderson Hospital called the paper to say they too have had pre-cancerous growths removed from their thyroids.

Together they represent a jarring cluster, given that only about five per cent of the general population suffers severe thyroid disease.

The Atomic Energy Control Board took interest in the situation after The Spectator article was published, Richard Cawthorn of the AECB said yesterday. Cawthorn is responsible for reviewing the Hamilton Health Sciences Corporation’s licence to dispense nuclear medicine.

The alleged mishandling of fibrinogen 125 predates the amalgamation that created Rating twoSC, “but we assume that when they amalgamated, they took the problems too.”

So the AECB asked the hospital corporation for a report outlining the “historical basis” of the allegations and the Rating twoSC complied.

Then, last week, the board was contacted by one of the nurses involved and it decided to proceed with the study.

The nurses have been unwilling to have their names printed because some are still employed by the hospital. Others fear reprisals for speaking out. But Cawthorn said they have agreed to assist the AECB with its investigation.

“What we want to do is determine if there is a health effect here before we look at any cause,” he said. “On a preliminary basis, one of our medical advisers who is a physician, is going to contact these nurses and collect as much information as she can about their thyroid problems.”

“The type of problems that are attributed to iodine exposure are very specific and she wants to screen for those and say, ‘does there appear to be an increased incidence of thyroid problems in this group of nurses?'”

If the medical adviser determines there is a statistically high incidence of thyroid disease among the nurses, “we will likely move to a more elaborate study that usually has a fairly large price tag associated with it,” said Cawthorn.

The preliminary study shouldn’t take more than a couple of months, depending on the level of co-operation from the hospital, he said.

Barb Wahl, president of the Ontario Nurses Association, said she was “really excited” by the AECB probe.

“It may confirm some of the things that the nurses have felt,” she said, adding she hoped it would draw other nurses with the same problems to report their experiences.

The fact two more nurses from Henderson who handled fibrinogen 125 have come forth in the past month poses questions about how widespread the situation really is, said Wahl.

“I would doubt very much that it’s just Hamilton.”

Norm Rubin of Energy Probe, a Toronto-based group that has been a regular critic of Canada’s atomic energy industry, said the chance that seven of 14 nurses in one unit could get a disease that occurs in five per cent of the population is about one in 300,000.

Still, the Rating twoSC has dismissed the possibility of any relationship between fibrinogen 125 — a naturally occurring blood protein combined with low-level radioactive iodine — and the nurses’ thyroid problems.

When one of the nurses pressed the hospital for compensation, the hospital argued her condition could not be job-related. But the new study may reopen that door.

 

CASUAL LINK

 

“If the AECB established a causal link between occupational exposure and health effects, I would imagine it would provide the basis for compensation,” said Cawthorn.

An internal Rating twoSC study completed in January found that, in the suspect material, the radioactive iodine is so tightly bound to the fibrinogen that only an injected dose 100 times greater than that given to patients could be harmful.

And 15 years of tests on workers at McMaster University Medical Centre’s nuclear pharmacy, where the isotope was made — and which recently had its licence to produce radioactive medicine yanked by the AECB — found no similar thyroid problems.

The nurses who now have the disease say they were never consulted by those conducting the Rating twoSC study.

They have periodically complained to the hospital about the handling of fibrinogen since three of them developed thyroid problems in the late ’70s.

Fibrinogen 125, which is still on Health Canada’s list of approved drugs, was never widely used and had been replaced by less intrusive and more accurate technologies.

The nurses were required to dispense the material without gloves and defrost it under running water at nursing stations. Sometimes the vials would leak or break. By the early 1980s, they were told to wear gloves and a gown and the material began arriving in lead containers, they say.

Posted in Nuclear Safety | Leave a comment

Municipal utility privatization: putting the public first (speech)

Thomas Adams

April 2, 1998

Executive Director, Energy Probe Senior Consultant, Borealis Energy Research Association For the Canadian Urban Institute Conference “Restructuring Ontario’s Electricity Industry: What Muncipal Decision Makes Need to Know”

April 2, 1998

Instead of planning cutbacks and struggling to avoid tax increases, municipalities could be planning to use the funds from a perpetual, income generating endowment and preparing to issue a special dividend payment to taxpayers. This happy reversal of fortune can be realized by converting an asset that today generates no revenue for its municipal owners-its electric distribution utility-into the social services and other goods that only governments can provide.

There are probably very few municipalities in Ontario whose electric utility is not their single-biggest asset. Responsible management of the public’s assets should include a running assessment of the choice of selling versus holding. Prevailing low interest rates, ongoing changes in the energy industry, and current market valuations in Canada and abroad, to say nothing of the new pressures on municipalities due to provincial downloading, all suggest that now is a good time to sell.

The new Toronto Hydro is likely to attract the strongest interest from the market as a privatization prospect due to its large size and the unique market it serves. What might the new Toronto Hydro be worth? Cornwall Electric was sold at a price to earnings multiple of approximately 27 times. By this measure, the new Toronto Hydro might be worth $1.9 billion. Making a similar valuation comparison between Cornwall Electric and Toronto Hydro based on power delivered puts the value of Toronto Hydro at about $1.4 billion. The five distribution utilities in the State of Victoria, Australia were sold in the latter half of 1995 for $8.3 billion Australian or $8.8 billion Canadian at the current relative currency value. Valued on the basis of Victoria’s revealed valuation per person served, the new Toronto Hydro might be worth as much as $4.4 billion. The new Toronto Hydro’s book equity is $1.5 billion.

Distribution utility privatization can be conducted in a manner that guarantees a good deal for electricity rate payers and responsible treatment of workers. The privatization of Cornwall Electric resulted in long term guarantees that rates will be lower than those of comparable utilities and employment guarantees for incumbent workers.

The Ontario government’s White Paper clearly indicates that all utilities in the future, whether public or private, will be on the same footing with regard to taxation and access to the other special favours historically associated with public ownership. The new energy policy environment that the White Paper sketches out is likely to be fraught with significant commercial risks for distribution utilities and rapid changes in both technology and markets. Old style municipally-owned utilities, accustomed an environment with slow rates of change, limited scope for decision making, and lack of commercial risk, are likely to be tested mightily in the new world. A key milestone in Ontario’s electricity industry reform will be bringing municipal utilities under the Ontario Business Corporations Act.

If a privatization course is charted by municipal leaders, an important decision is likely to be how to deal with the proceeds. In Cornwall, Sixty percent of the proceeds of the sale were used to eliminate the municipal debt, an action that will benefit the community at for many years into the future. A portion of the funds could also be reserved for an instrument like the Toronto Atmospheric Fund, dedicated to doing good works for the environment in perpetuity. Since municipal utilities were created to serve their customers, citizens have strong claim to at least a portion of the proceeds. A special dividend could be declared for each household. Toronto Hydro is likely to be worth at least $2 billion and if we assume half that split evenly among customers, each cheque would be made out for over $1,500. When was the last time municipal leaders had such good news for their constituents?

Posted in Reforming Ontario's Local Electrical Distribution Sector | Leave a comment