It’s official, there’s no consensus on climate change

Lawrence Solomon
Financial Post
July 10, 2010

A panel criticizes the Climategate scientists for being defensive and unhelpful, for withholding data, for providing misleading information, for having been “blinded … to the possibility of merit” in the claims of their critics.

‘Panel in Britain clears scientists of misconduct allegations in ‘Climate-gate’,” read the Washington Post headline, one of many describing a vindication of the Climategate scientists at East Anglia University’s Climatic Research Unit in the U.K. Other press outlets saw the panel’s finding differently: “Clouds of doubt still hang over climate scientists,” the Calgary Herald’s headline stated.

The conflicting takes by the press are understandable. The British panellists, established by East Anglia University, saw too little evidence to declare the Climategate scientists at CRU guilty on most counts, and they saw too much to be always confident of their innocence.

But here’s another take on the same report, and another headline, that almost all newspapers would agree to: “Panel recognizes that the science is not settled on climate change.”

The panel’s weighty 160-page report, The Independent Climate Change Emails Review, deals overwhelmingly with one theme: How best to conduct a scientific debate? The report does not attempt to judge whether the Climategate scientists were right or wrong on the science; it judges the behaviour of the scientists and of the Climatic Research Unit that they worked at, and then suggests reforms for the scientific establishment as a whole, in effect using Climategate as a case history.

The 160-page document assesses how the Climategate scientists behaved when confronted with controversies that they had among themselves, such as whether they truly believed that we’re living in times of unprecedented warmth. The document also assesses how the Climategate scientists behaved in their disagreements with top scientists in the skeptic camp, and how they behaved when they had controversies with non-scientists.

The report, in other words, dissects the nature of the scientific debate over global warming — the word “debate” appears more than 50 times in the report. “In its successive assessment reports, the IPCC has sought to achieve a scientific consensus, but many continue to challenge the basis of its work and its conclusions, it states. The IPCC’s failure to establish a consensus led to a debate that “became highly polarized in websites, journals and conferences across the world. As a result, the work conducted by CRU became the focus of intense scrutiny and challenge, with multiple demands from both fellow scientists and laymen for background information and data.”

The global warming debate, the report makes clear, is real and legitimate, conducted by respectable parties who have every right to challenge the science and to hold the climate science establishment accountable.

The panellists criticize the Climategate scientists for being defensive and unhelpful, for withholding data, for providing misleading information, for hiding behind claims of peer review science, for having been “blinded … to the possibility of merit” in the claims of their critics, for needlessly exacerbating antagonism among the parties through their behaviour, and even for breaking the law. The conduct of the Climategate scientists, the panellists decided, not only brought them and their university into disrepute, but it also harmed the cause of science.

“Public trust in science depends on an inherent culture of honesty, rigour and transparency,” the panelists decided, adding that “an open culture will also lead to the best science.”

Most of all, the report provides a blueprint for acting honourably in the Age of the Internet, stressing “the importance of capturing the range of viewpoints” by being open and helpful rather than defensive and obstructionist. “Like it or not,” it says, “this indicates a transformation in the way science has to be conducted in this century.”

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Aldyen Donnelly: What to do about the oil sands

(July 9, 2010) A recent announcement that 50 members of Congress are opposed to growing imports from Canada’s “filthy” oil sands is a matter that can only be addressed by a federal, not provincial, government initiative—using data that Eddy Isaacs in the government of Alberta can provide. The problem appears to be, however, that our federal team does not know where and how they are supposed to be entering the US Congressional dialogue.

Canadian negotiators need to participate directly in what is essentially a legal process, not just a political one. By putting the correct data on the table, the Canadian negotiators can create a situation in which the US Supreme Court would defeat Congressional opposition—if it gets that far.

The answer is not just competent lobbing.

The Canadian team should make it abundantly clear that Canadian interests with US assets will challenge any Congressional attempt to discriminate against oil sands output in US courts. The US Supreme Court is obliged to and has a history of striking down any law that is discriminatory that is not based on good science.

The GHG intensity of all US heavy oil—2/3 of oil produced in the state of California, for example—is much higher than all of the output from the Alberta oil sands. So the US SC would have to strike down any legislation/regulation that discriminates against oil imports from Alberta if it does not at least equally discriminate against California heavy oil producers.

Canada’s representatives in the US should make it very clear, at the soonest possible opportunity, that they will pursue legal remedies in US courts—not just WTO or NAFTA tribunals—if diplomacy does not work. I find in US situations, it is essential to present firm knowledge of our legal rights early in the diplomatic process.

I think it is also important to note that Alberta’s oil sands represent a platform for GHG reductions, in that many innovative opportunities to reduce GHGs at this source are available, even if they are not currently economic. By comparison, as drilling for conventional crude goes deeper and deeper, the GHG intensity of conventional crude oil production increases and fewer near-economic opportunities to mitigate the GHG intensity increase for conventional crude exist.

I am an environmentalist. So I would like to see our governments move hard on the oil sands operators to provide incentives to them to innovate to cut GHGs.  I also would like to see policies introduced in Canada that would encourage the single passenger vehicle fleet shift from gasoline to lower-GHG diesel fuel consumption. 80% of lifecycle GHGs for transportation fuels occur at the tailpipe of the vehicle, and diesel fuel GHGs—per kilometer of vehicle use—can be as much as 25% lower than gasoline fuel GHGs.

We should think of Alberta’s oil sands as the ideal diesel source and maximize Canada’s energy independence and efficiency by migrating the nation’s single passenger vehicle fleet from gasoline to diesel. This is a much more cost-effective and less limited GHG management measure, in Canada, than blending ethanol into gasoline.

And given Canada’s agriculture output and indigenous biomass supply, it makes much more sense for Canadian’s to specialize in biodiesel and diesel from algae than ethanol.

To achieve the gasoline-to-diesel switch, cost effectively, without increasing local air pollution, we need to see Canada’s ultra low sulphur diesel standard lowered to 10 ppm sulphur from the current standard of 15 ppm. On a side note, Shell’s refinery at Scotford Alberta already focuses on converting heavy and synthetic crude to diesel and already produces a product that is 10 ppm sulphur, or less.

The regulatory signals that are required to shift Canada to a “clean diesel” future could easily be built into Canada’s new CAFE standards for autos and trucks, but no such provisions appear in the current CAFE standards/proposals.

Please note that 100% of the transportation sector GHG “reductions” that have been achieved in Europe since 1990 derive from shifting the single passenger fleet from gasoline to diesel. This has led to air pollution challenges, and EU governments are only now considering regulating a 10 ppm ULSD standard.

Canada should get ahead of the curve.

Finally, please also note that one of the critical cost issues for algae-based biodiesel is CO2 supply. Biodiesel is produced by algae in reactors into which CO2 is pumped. Over time, the CO2 captured from Canadian gas processing plants, refineries and power plants should be seen to be our critical source of competitive advantage in the production of biodiesel from algae.

Aldyen Donnelly, July 9, 2010

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Wind’s bad day

(Jul. 8, 2010) Yesterday’s scorcher scorched wind power’s reputation and its long-term bottom line, too. Continue reading

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Wind’s bad day

Lawrence Solomon
Financial Post
July 8, 2010

Yesterday’s scorcher scorched wind power’s reputation and its long-term bottom line, too.  This simple chart demonstrates why no company can make a profit supplying wind power to the electricity system without government subsidies, and why no society can count on wind power when the power is most needed.

The wind blew at its best in Ontario yesterday between midnight and 1 am (the first column in the chart), producing 214 megawatt-hours (1000 kilowatts to one megawatt) that hour. If wind was operating in a free-market electricity economy, it would have only earned $36.85 per megawatt that hour, or one-third to one-quarter the value of power during peak hours.

Over the next few hours, its next best hours for the day, wind continued to fetch very low real prices.

Then, when power prices soared along with demand as society got to work, the wind turbines went to sleep. The peak production of 214 megawatts dropped to as little as 11 and never rose above 60. To put these numbers in perspective, when Ontario needed the wind most, wind was producing as little as one twentieth of 1% of Ontario’s needs –essentially nothing. Even in its best hour, wind only met 1.21% of Ontario’s needs, and that’s because other, more flexible forms of generation, scaled back their production (unlike hydro or fossil fuel generation, wind is not dispatchable).

Even had wind been able to continue producing at its rate of 214 megawatts, it would have met less than 1% of Ontario’s peak needs. Not that 214 megawatts is all that good, in any case. In that first hour, wind was operating at under 20% of its own capacity. It has better days, when the wind blows stronger and longer, but not enough of them to make wind economical.

Because wind systems will always have days when they will contribute essentially nothing, and because society will not want power blackout on those days, the only prudent course for the managers of the electricity grid is to value wind’s capacity at essentially nothing. That means other types of generating plants will always be needed to back up any wind that’s built to supply the power grid, making wind even more uneconomical, and more nonsensical as a power source to be relied upon.

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Hot air

(July 8, 2010) Michael Trebilcock reveals the poor performance of wind power during Ontario’s recent heat wave. Continue reading

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Lawrence Solomon: Global cooling underway

Long-term global cooling began in 2002, according to a just-released study in the Journal of Cosmology, a peer-reviewed publication produced at Harvard-Smithsonian’s Center for Astrophysics. Man-made global warming was real and dangerous, the study finds, but the danger has passed.

The study, authored by Qing-Bin Lu, a rising star at the Department of Physics and Astronomy at the University of Waterloo in Canada, explains why climate models have been so spectacularly wrong in trying to tie the global warming of the last half of the 20th century to CO2 — the climate modelers fingered the wrong culprit when they targeted CO2. The true culprits, Dr. Lu explains, were CFCs, the now banned substances that until the 1990s had been a refrigerant and propellant to products as diverse as air conditioners and hair spray cans.

Fortunately for the globe, environmentalists had CFCs banned because of their role in depleting the ozone layer, not realizing that the ban was simultaneously solving the global warming threat.

According to Dr. Lu, the phase-out of CFCs will be reversing the global warming effect by ushering in a 50 to 70-year period of global cooling.

Lawrence Solomon, Financial Post, July 7, 2010

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The latest cost of going green: your health

Certifications ensuring that new homes and buildings are more environmentally-friendly and energy efficient do little in considering the health of their occupants, says a new report from Environment and Human Health, Inc. (EHHI), a non-profit organization dedicated to protecting human health. Focusing on the U.S. Green Building Society’s Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) program, which awards buildings with certificates ensuring they are “green”, the group says the program is implementing standards that “are clearly insufficient to protect human health,” yet are being adopted by lawmakers across the U.S. and other developed countries.

The result is that lawmakers are rushing through “green” legislation—some of which is based on the LEED standard—and putting the health of their citizens at risk, all in an effort to promote an appearance of environmentalism.

Put more simply, they may be attempting to solve an abstract environmental harm—global warming—for a real one, human health.

The group contends that the LEED program ensures tighter buildings, resulting in less of an exchange between indoor and outdoor air. Indoor air, the group says, is often more contaminated than outdoor air—and this may intensify the chemical exposures of residents in a building, increasing the likelihood of unintended health consequences.

The LEED program, as it is currently designed, shows almost a complete disregard for this phenomenon. And because, as EHHI highlights, many of the materials being used in LEED buildings contain known contaminants, residents may be facing an increased exposure to indoor chemical mixtures.  

Worse still, developers can obtain the highest LEED standard, platinum, without receiving any points (the certificate is awarded on a points basis, 110 in total) in the human health category. In fact, out of the potential 110 points—80 are needed for platinum status—only 7 have the primary intent to limit hazardous chemicals within a building.

The organization behind the LEED certificate, the U.S. Green Building Society, is private—made up, predominantly, of engineers, architects, building product manufacturers, real estate and construction companies. But governments have been helping to promote this “green” building certificate by adopting new laws that reward LEED certification, including loan guarantees, lower-interest loans, mortgage interest rate reductions, income tax credits, property tax reductions and other public subsidies.

The Green Building Council does not make public its evaluation of individual building components and performance. It is also not beholden to the public, as it does not adhere to the Administrative Procedures Act or the Freedom of Information Act.

“The Green Building Council’s award…conveys the false impression of a healthy and safe building environment, even when well-recognized hazardous chemicals exist in building products,” the authors of the EHHI report say.

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Catastrophism collapses

G20 leaders in Toronto tried to avoid the fate of colleagues felled by warming advocacy

(Jul. 3, 2010) Last week’s G8 and G20 meetings in Toronto and its environs confirmed that the world’s leaders accept the demise of global-warming alarmism. Continue reading

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Catastrophism collapses

Lawrence Solomon
Financial Post
July 3, 2010

G20 leaders in Toronto tried to avoid the fate of colleagues felled by warming advocacy

Last week’s G8 and G20 meetings in Toronto and its environs confirmed that the world’s leaders accept the demise of global-warming alarmism.

One year ago, the G8 talked tough about cutting global temperatures by two degrees. In Toronto, they neutered that tough talk, replacing it with a nebulous commitment to do their best on climate change — and not to try to outdo each other. The global-warming commitments of the G20 — which now carries more clout than the G8 — went from nebulous to non-existent: The G20’s draft promise going into the meetings of investing in green technologies faded into a mere commitment to “a green economy and to sustainable global growth.”

These leaders’ collective decisions in Toronto reflect their individual experiences at home, and a desire to avoid the fate that met their true-believing colleagues, all of whom have been hurt by the economic and political consequences of their global-warming advocacy.

Kevin Rudd, Australia’s gung-ho global-warming prime minister, lost his job the day before he was set to fly to the G20 meetings; just months earlier Australia’s conservative opposition leader, also gung-go on global warming, lost his job in an anti-global-warming backbencher revolt. The U.K.’s gung-ho global-warming leader during last year’s G8 and G20 meetings, Gordon Brown, likewise lost his job.

France’s President Nicolas Sarkozy, who had vowed to “save the human race” from climate change by introducing a carbon tax by the time of the G8 and G20, was a changed man by the time the meetings occurred. He cancelled his carbon tax in March, two days after a crushing defeat in regional elections that saw his Gaullist party lose just about every region of France. He got the message: Two-thirds of the French public opposed carbon taxes.

Spain? Days before the G20 meetings, Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, his popularity and that of global warming in tatters, decided to gut his country’s renewables industry by unilaterally rescinding the government guarantees enshrined in legislation, knowing the rescinding would put most of his country’s 600 photovoltaic manufacturers out of business. Italy’s Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi similarly scrapped government guarantees for its solar and wind companies prior to the G8 and G20, putting them into default, too.

The U.K may be making the biggest global-warming cuts of all, with an emergency budget that came down the week of the G20 meetings. The two government departments responsible for climate-change policies — previously immune to cuts — must now contract by an extraordinary 25%. Other U.K. departments are also ditching climate-change programs — the casualties include manufacturers of electric cars, the Low Carbon Buildings Program, and, as the minister in charge put it, “every commitment made by the last government on renewables is under review.“ Some areas of the economy not only survived but expanded, though: The government announced record offshore oil development in the North Sea — the U.K. granted a record 356 exploration licences in its most recent round.

Support for global-warming programs is also in tatters in the U.S., where polls show — as in Europe — that the great majority rejects global-warming catastrophism. The public resents repeated attempts to pass cap and trade legislation over their objections, contributing to the fall in popularity of President Barack Obama and Congress. Public opinion surveys now predict that this November’s elections will see sweeping change in the United States, with legislators who have signed on to the global-warming hypothesis being replaced by those who don’t buy it.

In the lead-up to the Toronto meetings and throughout them, one country — Canada — and one leader — Prime Minister Stephen Harper — have stood out for avoiding the worst excesses associated with climate change. Dubbed the Colossal Fossil three years running by some 500 environmental groups around the world, Canada — and especially Harper — are reviled among climate-change campaigners for failing to fall into line.

Not coincidentally, Canada has also stood out for having best withstood the financial crisis that beset the world. Fittingly, Canada and its leader played host to the meetings.

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Lawrence Solomon: Newsweek’s retractable article

“Newspapers Retract ‘Climategate’ Claims, but Damage Still Done,” reads the headline in Newsweek this weekend, in a column over the latest controversy in the global warming debate. The headline, and the article beneath it, are so inaccurate that Newsweek should retract them.

For starters, no newspaper that the column describes retracted any claims about Climategate, the scandal that hit the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change last November when private emails showed, among other things, that all of the IPCC’s temperature data was suspect. The newspaper retractions – all two of them, by the UK’s Sunday Times and a much earlier change of heart by a small German daily — dealt with Amazongate, one of the many scandals that followed Climategate.

Next, the Newsweek column states that “In perhaps the biggest backpedaling, The Sunday Times of London, which led the media pack in charging that IPCC reports were full of egregious (and probably intentional) errors, retracted its central claim—namely, that the IPCC statement that up to 40% of the Amazonian rainforest could be vulnerable to climate change was ‘unsubstantiated.’ … The Times‘s criticism of the IPCC—look, its reports are full of mistakes and shoddy scholarship!—was widely picked up at the time it ran, and has been an important factor in turning British public opinion sharply against the established science of climate change.”

The Times article was hardly pivotal in turning British public opinion against the climate alarmists. For one thing, public opinion had turned against climate alarmism months earlier, even well before Climategate, so much so that the British government took out paid TV ads in 2009 in an explicit attempt to win back public opinion. For another, the retracted Times article did little to publicize Amazongate – by the time the Sunday Times article appeared, Amazongate was old news, having been covered by hundreds if not thousands of media outlets around the world. Here’s the timeline.

On January 25, the British blog site, EUReferendum broke the Amazongate story. The press coverage began the same day, with a London Telegraph headline announcing “After Climategate, Pachaurigate and Glaciergate: Amazongate.” Between then and January 31, when the Sunday Times article appeared in print, Amazongate became firmly established as an another example among many of shoddy, error-filled scientific work by the IPCC. None of the other articles published in that week have seen a need to retract. Even the Sunday Times’ retraction came only after months of litigation, indicating that some felt there was no need to retract. The basic thrust of the Amazongate stories remains valid, even if one of the many media outlets that covered Amazongate decided it had stepped over the line in its presentation of the story.

One thing the Newsweek column got right. The damage to the reputation of the IPCC has been done.

Lawrence Solomon, Financial Post, June 29, 2010

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