Request to provide information on DOE’s decision not to publish the 1991 Final Report of the Nuclear Shipyard Worker Study

(Dec. 1, 2009) Re: Information on DOE’s decision not to publish the 1991 Final Report of the Nuclear Shipyard Worker Study (NSWS) Continue reading

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Request to provide information on DOE’s decision not to publish the 1991 Final Report of the Nuclear Shipyard Worker Study

(Dec. 1, 2009) Information on DOE’s decision not to publish the 1991 Final Report of the Nuclear Shipyard Worker Study (NSWS) Continue reading

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Climategate: The investigations begin

Financial Post

Penn State University has announced that it has begun an investigation of the work of Michael Mann, the director of its Earth System Science Center, following revelations contained in the Climategate documents that have emerged from East Anglia University in the UK. This decision follows close on the heels of a decision Saturday at East Anglia University to release climate change related data, a reversal of its previous stance. In addition, according to East Anglia’s press office, it will soon be announcing details of its own investigation.

The announcement of the chair of the inquiry and its terms of reference is expected to be made Monday.

Here is the full Penn State announcement:

University Reviewing Recent Reports on Climate Information

Professor Michael Mann is a highly regarded member of the Penn State faculty conducting research on climate change. Professor Mann’s research papers have been published in well respected peer-reviewed scientific journals. In November 2005, Representative Sherwood Boehlert (R-NY) requested that the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) convene a panel of independent experts to investigate Professor Mann’s seminal 1999 reconstruction of the global surface temperature over the past 1,000 years. The resulting 2006 report of the NAS panel (http://www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=11676) concluded that Mann’s results were sound and has been subsequently supported by an array of evidence that includes additional large-scale surface temperature reconstructions.

In recent days a lengthy file of emails has been made public. Some of the questions raised through those emails may have been addressed already by the NAS investigation but others may not have been considered. The University is looking into this matter further, following a well defined policy used in such cases. No public discussion of the matter will occur while the University is reviewing the concerns that have been raised.

Financial Post
LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com
Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and Urban Renaissance Institute and author of The Deniers: The world-renowned scientists who stood up against global warming hysteria, political persecution, and fraud.

 

 

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Google’s climate ‘scholars’

(Nov. 27, 2009) Methods used to tabulate the number of experts who are skeptical of climate change leave something to be desired. Continue reading

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Hacked e-mails heat up climate-change debate

(Nov. 27, 2009) Christmas came early this year for Diane Katz and other Canadians at the forefront of the most polarized political fight on the planet. Continue reading

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Hacked e-mails heat up climate-change debate

Richard Foot
Canwest News Service
November 27, 2009

Christmas came early this year for Diane Katz and other Canadians at the forefront of the most polarized political fight on the planet.

For many years Katz — the director of environment policy at the Fraser Institute, the free market Vancouver think-tank — has argued alongside her allies that global warming is neither a man-made phenomenon nor the doomsday crisis it is widely considered to be, and that the scientists who fuel such fears have in fact hoodwinked us.

Then last week Katz and her colleagues were handed an unexpected gift: a computer hacker had stolen hundreds of e-mails and other documents from the Climate Research Unit (CRU) at the University of East Anglia in Britain — an influential centre of climate change study — and posted the material on the Internet, only weeks before world leaders gather in Copenhagen on Dec. 7 to hash out a new global strategy on carbon emissions.

The e-mail exchanges, between a group of powerful, like-minded scientists based in Britain and the U.S., written over the past 13 years, suggest they may have rigged their data, suppressed contrary information and conspired to control what should be an independent peer review process surrounding the publication of their scientific papers.

It’s partly the work of these scientists — whose computer modelling research has formed the basis of reports published by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) — that now compels many countries to write new laws on carbon emissions limits.

But Katz says the hacked e-mail exchanges prove the IPCC, and governments everywhere, have been seriously misled.

“The perversion of science exposed in these e-mails is a vindication of the scholars and analysts who have long questioned the claims of climate alarmists,” said Katz in an interview this week.

“It also shows that the real deniers are the researchers such as those at the CRU, who ignore evidence that man-made emissions are not causing global warming. It’s imperative now that governments not impose measures to mitigate global warming.”

In one e-mail, the CRU scientists and their U.S. colleagues discuss using a “trick” to “hide the decline” in temperatures presented on a set of data.

Other e-mails show the scientists may have plotted to eliminate from their modelling an entire set of temperature data from the Middle Ages, when the world may have been warmer than it is now.

And in others they discuss rigging the rules of the peer review process, to ensure that scientific articles on climate change are reviewed by friends, not critics.

When this doesn’t work, they resort to bullying. In 2003, when the journal Climate Research published an article contrary to the views of the CRU and its friends, one scientist suggested boycotting the journal or trying to manipulate its editors.

“Perhaps we should encourage our colleagues in the climate research community to no longer submit to, or cite papers in, this journal,” one e-mail said. “We would also need to consider what we tell or request of our more reasonable colleagues, who currently sit on (the journal’s) editorial board.”

In another e-mail the scientists even refer to the death of a prominent climate change skeptic as “cheering news.”

Phil Jones, the director of the CRU, has admitted that “some of the published e-mails do not read well. . . . Some were clearly written in the heat of the moment.”

But he has also called it “complete rubbish” that he and his colleagues conspired to manipulate the data itself, or the journals that published it.

Michael Mann, a Pennsylvania State University scientist who wrote some of the offending e-mails, said the messages have simply been misunderstood, and wrongly turned from “something innocent into something nefarious.”

“What they’ve done is search through stolen personal e-mails, confidential between colleagues who often speak in a language they understand and is often foreign to the outside world.”

Asked about the furor on Friday, John Bennett, executive director of the Sierra Club of Canada, made the same argument, saying: “Mann and his colleagues were simply speaking in their own high-level code, and a number of things were taken out of context.

“They used the word ‘trick’ in one of the stolen e-mails,” Bennett said, “but they were simply referring to a way of dealing with a complicated mathematical problem. They weren’t using the word in the sense of, ‘I’m going to fool you.’ ”

In some of Mann’s e-mails, however, his meaning is perfectly clear, including the one to a New York Times reporter, in which he disparages Canadian climate researcher Stephen McIntyre as someone “not to be trusted.”

McIntyre is a Toronto-based blogger who has become a thorn in the side of Mann and his colleagues, fact-checking their research and pointing out their inconsistencies on his website climateaudit.org.

What kind of effect the “climategate” revelations will have on the future of the global warming debate isn’t yet clear. Next month’s meeting in Copenhagen is unlikely to be influenced by the scandal, says Katz, because expectations are already low that the meeting will produce any kind of serious new plan on carbon emissions.

But the longer-term impact could be greater. Nigel Lawson, a former British Chancellor of the Exchequer and a well-known climate change skeptic, has called for a public inquiry into the CRU and the scientific study of global warming.

“I am confident that we’ll see a major inquiry within the next one to three years,” says Lawrence Solomon, another skeptic, and executive director of the Toronto think-tank Energy Probe.

He says if an inquiry isn’t opened by Britain’s Labour government, the Conservative opposition, widely expected to win power in the next election, will almost certainly convene one. A U.S. congressional committee might also decide to hold hearings into the science of climate change.

An inquiry, says Solomon, is likely to produce “a lot more e-mails like the ones we’ve seen so far in ‘climategate.’ ”

He also hopes an inquiry would include a forensic analysis of the computer codes, or programs, that produced the climate models now being relied on by the IPCC.

Even if governments don’t investigate the matter, the affair may have permanently shifted the momentum of the debate.

“Until now, what these scientists have said is, ‘trust us.’ Now, what the scandal has almost certainly done is put the onus on these people, the doomsayers, to demonstrate the validity of their data. They’ve never been required them to do that before.”

Says Katz: “Proponents of the more alarmist chain of thinking have always assumed this mantle of moral superiority, even going so far as to call those who disagree with them ‘deniers.’ This has now changed all that. It shows in fact that they don’t have any moral superiority, because they’ve been fixing the data.”

Bennett brushes aside those claims, insisting the scandal will be short-lived.

“I think it will have no impact whatsoever,” he says.

For one thing, the computer modelling studies that have now been thrown into question aren’t the only form of science behind the climate change crisis. Observational science — witnessed evidence of melting glaciers, disappearing polar ice, rising sea levels and changing ocean acidity — also inform the world’s understanding of global warming.

“In the last 10 years, there’s been a tremendous amount of observed changes in the climate,” says Bennett. “We’re observing the very changes that Mann’s models predict. So his work, and that of his colleagues, remains pivotal and important.

“All this controversy will prove is the desperateness of the fossil fuel industry, and those they back, the tiny, minuscule group of pseudo-scientific deniers, who are so desperate they will resort to this kind of criminal tactic — stealing e-mails — to make their point.”

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Google’s climate ‘scholars’

Lawrence Solomon
Financial Post
November 27, 2009

Methods used to tabulate the number of experts who are skeptical of climate change leave something to be desired.

There you go,” concluded Anna Maria Tremonti of CBC’s morning radio show, The Current. “According to Jim Prull’s database, of the 615 scientists who published papers on climate change, the skeptics are outnumbered 601 to 14.”

Case closed, she was saying, after Prull, a computer network manager, explained how anyone can use a spreadsheet and Google Scholar searches to separate the real climate experts from the phony ones. Just key someone’s name into Google Scholar if you think he’s a scientist and see how often he has been cited. Those who aren’t cited much have little scientific credibility, CBC’s national audience was told, and those who are cited a lot have lots. Not once during her interview of Prull did Tremonti question Prull’s methodology or his premises or his results.

She didn’t, for example, try a reality check by asking him to search Google Scholar for Al Gore. Had she done so, she would have seen that Gore, with 30,000 Scholar hits and untold citations, was closing in on Einstein’s 36,000.

On what basis did Tremonti, formerly a CBC investigative journalist, grant so much credibility to Prull’s techniques? Perhaps because, as he explained to the CBC audience, Google Scholar “studies just the scientific literature. They look at peer-reviewed journals.” She might have done a reality check on that premise, too. Google Scholar finds articles in popular newspapers and magazines. A search for The New York Times yields 101,000 hits, for The Economist magazine 18,000 and for The Wall Street Journal 17,000. Google Scholar also finds articles on global warming websites, including those of the skeptics.

Prull claims to have objectively investigated 2,940 names, of scientists on both sides of the debate, including those who signed various petitions protesting global warming doomsterism. Yet he dismisses the biggest petition of all — the 31,000 scientists on the petition organized by the Oregon Institute of Science and Medicine — on the grounds that organizations like DeSmogBlog say that they’re not really scientists. DeSmogBlog, an organization that Prull donates to, was specifically created for the purpose of discrediting skeptics.

The Oregon Petition, for those who are unfamiliar with it, was organized by Frederick Seitz, a past president of the National Academy of Sciences, and Arthur B. Robinson, the former president and research director of the Linus Pauling Institute of Science and Medicine and the man who, according to Nobel laureate Pauling, was “my principal and most valued collaborator.” You can’t fault Prull for not wanting to go through all 31,000 names — he has a day job keeping computer systems running — but his dismissal of the Oregon Petition calls his objectivity into question, particularly since that petition includes renowned scientists such as Freeman Dyson, America’s most famous scientist. Moreover, those 31,000 signatories didn’t sign some meaningless motherhood statement — they unequivocally asserted that carbon dioxide benefits the planet and that the danger that we face comes from a misguided Kyoto Protocol.

My book, The Deniers, warrants a special place on Prull’s website. He has investigated 37 of the scientists that I profiled and generally found them wanting. Reid Bryson, for example, fares poorly on Prull’s spreadsheet — he’s ranked 290th — with an inexplicably low number of citations. Yet Bryson, who is known as “the father of scientific climatology,” holds the title of “the world’s most cited climatologist,” according to an analysis in the journal of the Institute of British Geographers.

I don’t mean to be hard on Prull — his professional discipline is outside the ken of climate science or environmental policy, and there’s no reason for him to be especially able to judge whose science counts and whose doesn’t. But what does it say of the standards at CBC and The Current that they would prefer the judgment of a well-meaning amateur to that of the Institute of British Geographers? Or that they would unquestioningly assume that crude returns from a Google Scholar search were worth imparting to its audience?

Even if Prull were capable of judging which scientists qualify as climate scientists, and even if Google Scholar only searched peer-reviewed sites, CBC and The Current would have been remiss in assuming that appearances in peer-reviewed journals mean what they appear to mean.

For one thing, governments have provided some $80-billion in climate research funding over the last 20 years, virtually none of it to the skeptics. With only one side of the debate funded, it’s hardly surprising that one side dominates the publications. For another, as the recently surfaced Climategate emails demonstrate, scholarly publications have been under pressure to refuse any work from skeptics. As The Wall Street Journal Europe put it, “The impression left by the Climategate emails is that the global warming game has been rigged from the start.”

The impression left by the performance of Anna Maria Tremonti and The Current is that they — wittingly or not — have been helping to rig the game in Canada.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe (energy.probeinternational.org) and Urban Renaissance Institute, and author of The Deniers: The world-renowned scientists who stood up against global warming ­hysteria, political persecution, and fraud.

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New Zealand's Climategate

An agency of the New Zealand government has been cooking the books to create a warming trend where none exists, according to a joint research project by global warming skeptics at the Climate Conversation Group and the New Zealand Climate Science Coalition. The chief cook? Dr. Jim Salinger, considered one of the country’s top scientists, who began the graph in the 1980s when he was at the Climatic Research Unit at the University of East Anglia in the UK. CRU, of course, has become ground zero of Climategate at Dr. Salinger has maintained close relations with CRU since, as seen in the Climategate emails.

What do the uncooked books show? Rather than warming over the last hundred years, New Zealand’s temperature has been steady.

For the full story, visit the site of the New Zealand Climate Science Coalition, here.

For the rebuttal by New Zealand’s National Institute of Water and Atmospheric Research, visit here

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Aldyen Donnelly: Obama is going to Copenhagen: Expect to hear that “China is In”

On December 6, 2009, expect Obama to announce that the US, Japan, South Korea and China have agreed to announce national GHG targets before the summer of 2012 and to implement common domestic "cap and trade" systems. (None of the national targets will be legally binding, but the national leaders will downplay that reality.)

India will likely not announce a series of national targets, but will appear to be a part of the group.  Exporting nuclear reactors (based on technology India stole from AECL in the late 1970s) is the centerpiece of India’s new trade plan, and the US/Japan/South Korea/China GHG market collaboration potentially creates a new market for India’s proprietary nuclear reactor technology that is essential to the successful execution of India’s new economic development strategy. The parties are not willing to negotiate their individual national GHG targets with each other or other nations. They have agreed that each can set its pwn national target on its own terms, and each will announce its target sometime before 2012.  None of the other partners will announce any target or domestic implementation plan until AFTER the US Congress passes Climate Change legislation.  Congress is now targetingg passage of the US cap and trade bill by spring 2010.

On December 6, or so, the collaborating nations plan to announce their commitments to implement common domestic "cap and trade" systems that will largely be based on or derived from the final US cap and trade law, by or before the end of 2012. US "Cap and trade" is nothing more (or less) than a global quota-based supply management regime that covers the combined energy, building products and food markets. In US-style "cap and trade" each nation converts a series of annual national  GHG targets into a new currency – a unique series of "vintaged" quota units. Each party in this carbon-importing nation cartel will  then rule that DISTRIBUTORS (domestic producers AND importers) of key carbon-based products )will be obliged to remit sovereign GHG quota units to their governments equal to the GHGs arising from the production and consumption of those regulated carbon-based products that are SOLD (as opposed to produced) within their boundaries. The key regulated products will be: petroleum products, natural gas, electricity, cement, aluminum, iron & steel, pulp & paper, wood products, beef, pork, grain, rice, glass and industrial chemicals, which account for over 85% of the global GHG inventory.  Coal will only be regulated indirectly through the electricity sector coverage.  GHGs arising from manufacturing sector consumption of coal will not be covered by any carbon-importing nation’s GHG cap.

Distributors of the regulated products will be obliged, under the regulations, to remit/surrender domestic GHG quota units to their home governments covering the GHGs arising from the production (including foreign production emissions for imported products) and domestic and petroleum product suppliers will be obliged to hold and then surrender GHG quota covering both their supply chain (domestic and foreign) and customer end-use GHGs.  In every one of these nations, GHGs arising from the domestic production of regulated products that will be exported WILL BE EXEMPT from the obligation to surrender GHG quota to their governments. (The carbon importing nation cartel will suggest that domestic GHGs arising from the production of exports are "liabilities" for the importing nations, not the exporting
nations.)

Then, each government in the carbon-importing nation cartel will freely allocate 85%+ of its early vintage national quota supply to DOMESTIC PRODUCERS (including exporters) of the regulated carbon-baed products. There will be NO FREE QUOTA allocation to importers of the regulated products, but imports are equally required to remit quota to the national governments.  Therefore, as soon as the domestic implementation regulations are in full effect, Any US, Japanese, Sout Korean or Chinese importer of Canadian electricity, natural gas, petroleum products, pulp & paper, wood products, aluminum, iron & steel, glass, beef, pork, grains, rice or industrial chemicals will have to acquire GHG quota covering the Canadian supply chain GHGs AND any domestic GHGs arising from the consumption of Canadian products in their markets, which GHG quota may only be acquired from either competing domestic producers of regulated products or government quota auctions.

The quota allocations and fact that the domestically regulated parties will be carbon-based product DISTRIBUTORS (not producers) in the carbon importing nation cartel comprise a system that generates new revenues and subsidies and significant global competitive advantage for producers of the carbon-based products wiho operate facilities and pay taxes in the IMPORTING nations, which revenues are essentially EXPROPRIATED from the owners of production assets in the exporting nations (i.e. Canada). This is a key economic reality that is not reflected in most of the carbon market analysis that has been published by Canadian or US academics to date. To date, most of the academic and government-sponsored analysis of different GHG control options assumes that the market value that attaches to GHG quota comes out of the air.  They deem it an economic "windfall" for which there is no balancing liability. However, in every quota-governed market, 100% of the market value that attaches to quota is directly expropriated from the production assets whose output cannot be sold without quota. 

When carbon-importing nations cover all domestic SALES with the quota regime and freely allocate quota to domestic producers only, the lion’s share of the value of quota in those end-use markets will reflect an equivalent reduction in the value of the foreign assets that produce carbon-based products for export to those markets.  (This reality is evident in all existing quota-governed market, including Canada’s dairy, chicken, turkey markets and municipal tax license markets. It was also highly evident in the recently phased-out global garment and textiles quota-covered markets.)

The sole objective of US-style "cap and trade" is to effect a wealth transfer – through the quota market – to the world’s energy, building product and food importing nations at the sole expense of the largest exporters of those commodities. The US government successfully achieved such a wealth transfer when it unilaterally used domestic quota allocations to manage the phasing out of lead in gasoline (see case study attached), CFCs and HCFCs in refrigerants and to protect US biofuel producers at the expense of foreign suppliers under the US Renewable Fuel Standard (law since September 2008).  But the key to successfully implementing this wealth transfer is to ensure that the regulated product importing nation is a price-setter, not a price taker.

In each US "cap and trade" precedent,s (leaded gasoline, CFC and HCFC-based refrigerants, biofuels) US demand for the regulated products so dominated global demand that the US remained the commodity price-setter after introducing their domestic quota allocations. US phaseout, entities that legally exported leaded gasoline to the US during the phase out financed almost 100% of US refinery modification costs (through their purchases of the US lead allowances/quota required for market entry) and that less than 30% of the foreign suppliers allowance acquisition costs were passed through to US consumers as price increases.  Over 70% of the cost of US leaded gasoline allowances/quota was born in the form of reductions in export sales margins and tax revenues for the exporting nations.  But US negotiators have long since assumed that a cartel of carbon-importing nations must be established, the member of which will be committed to implement a common quota system design, to ensure that the carbon-importing nation cartel will have sufficient global market power to set and not take prices.  US negotiators are confident that if the US, Japan, South Korea and China act in concert, they will become energy, building product and food price-setters, not price takers. India will support the initiative and will be a net beneficiary from the forced decline in global oil prices.

US advisors anticipate that the carbon importing nation cartel will have the power to drive the global price of oil down to $35/bbl. and that global capital investment in value-adding manufacturing will shift from commodity exporting nations (those nations that will be perpetually short of GHG quota) to importing nations (whose domestic producers will be perpetually long in quota supply).

The carbon-importing nation cartel member nations have no intention of cutting their carbon-based energy, building product or food imports in the short or medium terms. They do anticipate, however, that the successful launch of their cap and trade cartel will cause a massive  evaluation of exporting nation energy, building product and food production assets (including oilsands production facilities), as economic rents shift from these production assets to importing nation-issued GHG quota units.

Once existing investors in Canadian carbon product manufacturing assets write down the value of in Cda’s production capacity (as economic rents shift from the production facility owners to the quota holders), importing nation quota-holders will acquire the Canadian assets at deep market discounts. After the existing investors write off their expected returns to capital, the new owners of the Canadian carbon-based production facilities will profit will supplying Canadian energy, building products and food to their home markets at signficantly reduced prices. The foreign-owned Canadian assets will legally "transfer price" exports, operate a breakeven and pay minimal or no taxes in Canada.

Canada can easily turn the tables on the carbon importing nation cartel with 4 rather simple domestic regulations that we could, conceivably, make law within a few months.  The regulations will serve the combined purposes of: (1) competently and efficiently regulating GHGs in Canada to ensure Canadian compliance with our previously-announced commitment to cut national GHGs to 80% of 2006 levels by 2020, (2) form the foundation for efficient and successful defences against the protectionist nature of the carbon importing nation cartel’s strategy at both the WTO and (more importantly) IN US COURTS, and (3) show the rest of the world how to efficiently achieve environmental protection without the element of trade protectionism.

It is in Canada’s best interest to implement these 4 regulations as a pre-emptive strike, before the US Congress passes their trade protectionist cap and trade bill in the spring os 2010. I am of the opinion that 3 of the 4 essential Canadian initiatives can be passed by regulation (no new legislation is required) and 1 is a 2010 Federal Budget item that should easily garner all-party support.

The problem is that it is not apparent that Canadian federal and provincial policy-makers understand how essential it is for Canada to: (1) launch this pre-emptive strike and (2) lead a global debate regarding the true nature of US-style "cap and trade".

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Hadley / CRU data leak

by Aldyen Donnelly

Do you think last week’s release of emails, code and calculations from the CRU wil undermine the Copenhagen process?

No.  This is a serious situation, but it will take the larger scientific and academic community time to sort it out.  What the emails and other documents reveals is the authors’ disdain for Freedom of Information legislation and the peer review process.  Of course, I am of the view that peer review has fallen on event that might motivate the academic and publishing community to clean this situation up.

The most significant problem that the released documents reveal is that the CRU appears to have destroyed the raw data records they used to model climate trends.  Given raw data, the scientist made many adjustments to the data before it was incorporated in their modelling.  I don’t think the released documents PROVE that the data modifications were inappropriate (however they do suggest that might be the case).  But the fact is that the only record CRU can release, now, is the modified data, not the raw data.

Since a large share of other climate change research has relied on CRU for basic temperature/climate data, it is toing to prove expensive to address this problem.  Hopefully, the weather stations and research initiatives from whom CRU initially sourced raw data still have complete files, so the raw dataset can be reconstructed.  It will only be through the release of both the raw dataset and the modified dataset, along with explanations for the data modifications, that the wider scientific community will be able to determine what is good and what is not so good in this situation.

I agree that the CRU crew has behaved arrogantly and unprofessionally.  It will take some time to determine whether their analysis and modelling should be rejected.


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