Lower than average hurricane activity in the Atlantic

The U.S. Atlantic coast is currently experiencing a record low in hurricane activity, according to meteorologist Joe Joyce. Joyce says that while the hurricane season on the Atlantic coast started early with arrival of Tropical Depression One on May 28, it quickly went dormant for the next two months.

And on August 12, when Tropical Storm Ana developed in the vicinity of the Cape Verde Islands, it marked the latest date since 1992 when the season’s first tropical cyclone was names in the Atlantic basin.

The Atlantic coast isn’t alone, as hurricane activity across the globe is also at a record low.

Yesterday`s Weather is a weekday feature at Energy Probe Research Foundation. Global warming models predict that CO2 levels — which have been steadily rising for decades — will correlate with temperatures on Earth. Read previous report.

To read an interview with Lawrence Solomon, Executive Director at Energy Probe, on the climate change debate, click here.

To read Solomon’s recent  article on the potential risks of implementing climate change policies, click here.

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Talks with Hydro-Quebec about NB Power at ‘critical’ stage, N.B. gov’t says

(Oct. 27, 2009) FREDERICTON — Negotiations that could see key assets of New Brunswick’s public utility company sold to Hydro-Quebec are at a crucial stage, the government of Premier Shawn Graham said Monday as two other Atlantic premiers expressed concerns about a possible deal. Continue reading →

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Talks with Hydro-Quebec about NB Power at ‘critical’ stage, N.B. gov’t says

(Oct. 27, 2009) FREDERICTON — Negotiations that could see key assets of New Brunswick’s public utility company sold to Hydro-Quebec are at a crucial stage, the government of Premier Shawn Graham said Monday as two other Atlantic premiers expressed concerns about a possible deal. Continue reading →

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Aldyen Donnelly: Creating an effective Renewable Energy Standard for Canada

Many supporters in the reduction of greenhouse gases say that the most effective way to do so would be to NOT license further capacity without retiring existing capacity. Nor should capacity to support fossil fuel-based transport be expanded. One way to keep cars off the road is to stop building roads—forcing consumers and businesses to make do with existing infrastructure of that sort and facilitate shift to other modes

I don’t agree with this idea, as it gives massive market power to incumbent oil companies and entities that own real estate on existing rights of way—enabling them to erect new barriers to new market entrants and new technologies that they do not own. But I agree with your general concerns. I think there is a better way to address them.

We never talked about the policy recommendations that I made to Nova Scotia—recommendations that provincial cabinet accepted. I recommended that their first step has to be to introduce a new more stringent facility-level GHG reporting regulations and a legally-binding Renewable Energy Standard (RES). RES enabling legislation was made law in NS a couple of years ago, while the regulation establishing a short term RES standard passed about a year ago.

The NS RES permits the utility to surrender only Renewable Energy Certificates (RECs) that originate in renewable power projects that are located in NS. Then, new source performance standards for key GHG sectors that ensures that any new GHG -emitting plant is state of the art.  No offsets are allowed to provide relief from the new source performance standard. This new source performance standard for electricity became law in NS about 6 months ago.

55% of NS’s GHG emissions come from the electricity sector, so in that region it was important that we get the electricity sector regulations right first. In fact, electricity sector GHGs are larger and have grown faster in Alberta than oil & gas sector, a fact that seems to go missing in the hype. In the meantime, Alberta has approved construction of two significantly less-than-state-of-the-art coal-fired power plants since 2000. Big mistake.

The RES in Nova Scotia is an effective coal-fired power plant early shut down order, which both the utility and government agree. Neither the population or demand for electricity are growing in the province, so the requirement to add enough new renewable power to ensure that 13% of power sales are renewable by 2013 means that some older coal plants become redundant. Once we reached agreement on that fact with the utility, we were able to pass a GHG regulation that limits electricity sector-wide GHGs, as opposed to individual facility GHGs, absolutely, for power plants. 

Legislation putting the absolute sector-wide GHG limit in place became law about 6 months ago in NS. This does not add to the burden that existed once the RES became law, but removes any risk that those old coal plants will not get shut down.

The reason it was essential to put the electricity sector GHG regulation in place is that without it, it was not clear that the electricity regulator would allow the utility to accelerate the write off of existing coal-fired assets in their rate-setting process in the absence of the absolute GHG emission cap. While there will be continuing debate/disputes between the utility and the electricity market regulator about what the real value of the assets is for purpose of capitalizing the asset write-downs, but that is the kind of question that provincial electricity sector regulators are accustomed to fighting over.

The key message, so far, is that it was much easier to negotiate an aggressive absolute sector-wide GHG cap in place for the electricity sector: (1) AFTER we put the aggressive RES in place and (2) as long as we were not allocating quota to individual facilities. The NS power sector rules include credit banking and limited borrowing, but there is no quota allocation. Our strategy was always to work to this outcome.

In other words, when NS was developing the RES renewable mandate we were always asking ourselves BOTH: (1) is it physically doable in the time frame we are giving them and (2) is it tough enough to get us at least a couple of early coal plant shut downs? We did achieve the second objective and we will see if we achieved the first.

Phase 2 of my recommendations—which NS is developing into regulations at this time—is to include expansion of the Renewable Energy Standard to cover all fuel distributors, not just electricity distributors. So let’s say the electricity distributors will have to surrender RECs, to cover, say, 15% of their power sales in 2015. It is very important to ensure that the RES uses sales, not generation, as the denominator in the standard. This obliges the electricity distribution companies to account for the GHGs associated with power imports, insuring against the import of high-GHG power as a local regulation compliance strategy.

The new NS regulations in development will also require NS distributors of petroleum products and natural gas to report their quarterly sales in petajoules (Pjs), convert Pjs to MWh-equivalents (1 Pj = 277.78 MWh) and then the fossil fuel-based distributors will be obliged to surrender RECs covering the same % of total sales that will be the standard for the power sector in 2015 and 2020.

I strongly believe that this approach to regulation makes renewable energy development a core business activity for fossil fuel-oriented companies, which is our primary objective.  It increases competition for RECs in regions where one or a handful of entities dominate the power sector. 

I don’t think this approach to regulation will alienate Alberta industry. Just look at the Alberta large emitter regulation results. Alberta large emitters are already covering at least 40% of their Alberta "GHG offset" obligations by surrendering GHG offset credits from their wholly-owned wind power projects. There are many, many reasons why governments will seriously regret issuing GHG offset credits to zero-emission power projects. These projects should be credited under an RES. The feds should not make the mistake of issuing Offset Credits to zero-emission power projects, but should cover all of electricity and fuel sectors with a federal RES and issue only RECs to zero-emission projects.

The federal standard should issue RECs to entities that manufacture biofuels in Canada. The federal RES should also issue RECs to NEW nuclear and all new hydro generation capacity. It should issue RECs to cogeneration, geothermal and geoexchange projects where every MWh-equivalent of electricity steam or hot water that is delivered to a third party directly from the source or through a district heating system gets a REC. It should also issue RECs to power generators who sequester CO2 in geological formations. Most importantly, the federal RES should issue RECs to existing building owners who invest in upgrades and reduce ALL ENERGY demand.

The key questions we are working through at this time include:

  • What should the GHG sequestered to REC conversion rate be?
  • How do we certify that certain transmission investments are essential to opening   up renewable resource markets for purposes of determining that transmission investments qualify for RECs. If the transmission operator gets RECs for any renewable power deliveries, the renewable power source of that supply would not get RECs. But putting this transmission option on the table enables, say, Nova Scotia to reward private sector investors in transmission capacity if/when that capacity creates NS access to PQ hydro resources. When NS issues RECs to transmission operators deemed essential to access imported renewable power and PQ only issues RECs to PG power projects that sell electricity to PQ consumers, there is no double-counting but a potentially good institutional incentive for transmission investment.

Obviously, the key is to start the work by developing a credible population growth and energy demand forecast. Given that forecast, the RES mandates for 2020 should reasonably be forecast to get us a 20% absolute GHG reduction, economy-wide, by 2020.  To focus the RES on new renewable development, we need to incorporate 2 classes of RECs under the RES: (1) one class for existing renewable projects, (2) once class for new renewable projects.  We need to do this to ensure that the regulation will generate the total new renewable capacity (and/or building efficiency-related reductions in demand) while leveling the playing field for existing and new renewable project owners. The 1997 Texas Renewable Portfolio Standard does this well and can be our administrative model for this purpose.

Because the RES makes new markets for investors, but does not directly assign new obligations to existing GHG=emitting plants, there should be no successful compensation claims under NAFTA Part 11. By comparison, if we actually implement a facility-level quota allocation that has any hope of generating an absolute 20% GHG reduction by 2020, that will generate US investor compensation claims that NAFTA panels will likely have to uphold.

A federal RES should incorporate the broadest possible definition of "renewable" without compromising the GHG objective. So nuclear should be "renewable" from a federal perspective. The federal standard should allow every province to implement its own RES through a delegated authority. Any province can regulate a definition of "renewable" that is more restricted than the federal definition, but provincial regulations cannot expand the federal definition of renewable. The federal legislation should  allow for/assume inter-provincial trading in RECs, but not remove provinces’ rights to erect barriers to inter-provincial trading. 

In other words, any province can write an RES that is quite different from the federal RES as long as: (1) regulated energy distributors surrender only federal RECs under the provincial regulations and (2) each province surrenders the RECs they collected to the feds to achieve compliance with the federal standard as required given energy sales in their regions.

This federal approach positions provinces to discriminate against certain RECs by technology and province of origin. Discriminating against RECs will increase provincial compliance costs. But it also increases the odds that local increases in power prices will generate local new jobs. The difficult task of weighing these trade-offs should rest with the lower levels of government, and the federal RES should allow provinces great flexibility in this regard. 

This may sound a little complicated, but it is actually much easier to do than implementing a Canadian quota-based supply management regime will prove to be.  100% of Canada’s trading partners have Renewable Electricity and Renewable Fuels mandates in law.

Japan’s "Total Primary Energy Standard" or "TPES", which applies to all energy, was first introduced in 1971. 

Spain’s was introduced in 1985. 

The European Renewable Energy and Fuels directives date back to 1999/2000, years ahead of the EU CO2 ETS. 

31 US states have legally-binding Renewable Portfolio Standards, Connecticut’s dating back to 1991 and 25 of the 31 having been implemented prior to 1997. Every US "cap and trade" bill outlines federal Renewable electricity and fuels standards in the first titles of the bill. That is because no prudent regulator would ever introduce a GHG quota allocation without first putting these critical product standards in place.

And when these critical product standards are properly designed, they drive the emission reduction agenda. The quota allocation only shifts wealth, given the existence of the product standards. Canada cannot possibly implement a GHG management strategy that can be integrated with the US without putting these key product standards in place first—just as the US, EU and Japan have done.

Having said that, I am recommending that we establish Canadian policy leadership by doing something different.  I am recommending that we cover all energy distributors with one common "Renewable Energy Standard" creating more competition for RECs. This is much more efficient and national goal-oriented than having one standard for electricity and one for fuels. This also gives the marketplace maximum flexibility to be creative in their responses to the mandate.

The other difference between my recommendation is that believe we must treat investments in conservation and sustainable demand reduction ("negawatt-hours") the same way we treat investments in new zero-emission energy supply. It gets RECs.

Canada’s energy product standards can be linked to the official national GHG inventory (or provincial GHG inventories), with a provision in law that the renewable targets will be ratcheted up at specific times if/when our official national GHG inventory and forecast suggests that this is necessary to ensure we meet our 2020 GHG emission objective.

But because we will be trading RECs, not GHG quota, this new market is very cheap to administer. The feds certify and register RES projects (including building upgrades.)   The project owners report Canadian and export sales quarterly. The government issues RECs to registered project operators’ reflecting their verified sales. The Canadian distributors of electricity, natural gas and petroleum products compete to buy RECs from the renewable project operators. The energy distributors surrender RECs, once a year, to cover their renewable content mandates.
After putting more stringent GHG reporting rules in place—so that we can build a more credible and verifiable national GHG estimate and forecast, the private sector can handle the uncertainty arising from the notice that REC targets will be adjusted to reflect changes in the official national GHG forecast.

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Aldyen Donnelly: Pacific Carbon Trust actually pays $50/TCO2e, or gets nothing for their $25, depending on how you look at it

The BC government’s Pacific Carbon Trust (PCT) pays private entities $25/TCO2e for greenhouse gas "credits" that are acquired to offset provincial government GHG emissions.

But neither the PCT nor Offsetters’ contracts oblige the venders of the "credits" to book balancing emission "debits" to their corporate GHG inventories on completion of a transfer. So when BC or the government of Canada finally regulates industrial GHG emissions, the PCT will continue to book reductions that have been realized at LaFarge to offset BC operations emissions, and LaFarge will also be booking those credits to it’s corporate GHG inventory. Or the PCT has to stop booking those credits that the taxpayer paid for, and Lafarge realizes the full return on the project that the taxpayers financed.

PCT/Offsetters contracts would only be sound if every time a corporate entity transfers a 1 TCO2e GHG "credit"–which reports to represent a 1 TCO2e reduction in a GHG inventory–to a buyer, that supplying corporate entity has to add 1 TCO2e to its reportable corporate GHG inventory.  Because LaFarge has no contractual obligation to add 1 TCO2e to its legally reportable GHG inventory when it transfers real title to 1 TCO2e worth of credits to Offsetters and then PCT,  PCT has either paid: (1) $25 for 1/2 TCO2e in reductions = $50/T, or (2) $25 for nothing (LaFarge retains the right to include the full reduction in its corporate GHG inventory report).

You can track Canadian large emitters’ corporate GHG inventory reports, which they are obliged to final annually (but with a 2-year lag) under existing federal law, here.

Because PCT/Offsetters does not include the discipline of double entry book-keeping in their contracting standards, the emerging carbon market is identical to the credit default swap market. A house that books only credits and no debits or contingent liabilities is a house that falls down. For this reason, there is little in the way of quality differential between the credits that PCT is buying and those that are trading over the Chicago Climate Exchange at this time.

I think this is worth talking about. If PCT introduces the discipline of double entry book-keeping into BC’s carbon market sooner rather than later, BC could be building the only real carbon market in the world. If we do not incorporate double entry book-keeping in these activities, we will just be one of the early and biggest losers in the next fake global derivative market.

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The high risks of climate-change policy

(Oct. 23, 2009) Earlier this week, I addressed a meeting of the Conference Board of Canada’s Centre for National Security in Winnipeg. An abbreviated version of my presentation appears below.

You are hearing at this conference that there is little doubt that human activity is causing profound and negative changes to our climate. Distinguished speakers are warning of enormous fresh water decreases, of disappearing glaciers, of the potential extinction of 70% of all species, of an ecosystem stressed to the breaking point. You are hearing of droughts and starvation and sea level rises that will very likely flood millions of people living in coastal areas from their homes each year, and that Canada will need to be prepared for the chaos to follow, chaos that could include mass migrations of refugees, social unrest, pandemics, war and terrorism and riots born of social injustice.

I’m here to tell you that there are no such likelihoods. That there is no consensus on climate change. That the science that the doomsayers describe cannot credibly be seen as having the weight of scientific opinion behind it. Continue reading →

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The Free Luncher, Exelon: Sources

October 17, 2009

Exelon CEO Says Climate Change Legislation Remains Urgent Issue, Pushes for Price on Carbon

Outline for John Rowe’s Keynote Speech at American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy

Testimony of John W. Rowe Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Exelon Corporation

Utilities and CO2 Emissions: Who Bears the Risks of Future Regulations

Chamber of Commerce and the EPA: Regulating Greenhouse Gases Under the Clean Air Act

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The high risks of climate-change policy

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
October 23, 2009

Earlier this week, I addressed a meeting of the Conference Board of Canada’s Centre for National Security in Winnipeg. An abbreviated version of my presentation appears below.

You are hearing at this conference that there is little doubt that human activity is causing profound and negative changes to our climate. Distinguished speakers are warning of enormous fresh water decreases, of disappearing glaciers, of the potential extinction of 70% of all species, of an ecosystem stressed to the breaking point. You are hearing of droughts and starvation and sea level rises that will very likely flood millions of people living in coastal areas from their homes each year, and that Canada will need to be prepared for the chaos to follow, chaos that could include mass migrations of refugees, social unrest, pandemics, war and terrorism and riots born of social injustice.

I’m here to tell you that there are no such likelihoods. That there is no consensus on climate change. That the science that the doomsayers describe cannot credibly be seen as having the weight of scientific opinion behind it. Often, as in the UN’s warning that malaria will spread as the globe warms — a claim you will hear tomorrow — the science has no credibility whatsoever. Not one prominent scientist in the world endorsed the UN’s malaria claims. Likewise, the UN’s hockey stick graph, showing that temperatures rose suddenly in the 20th century after 900 years of stable temperatures, has been thoroughly discredited.

In every single area that the UN points to man-made catastrophe — the disappearing Arctic ice cap or the Antarctic melting or the glaciers melting or the oceans rising — in every single area you will find no shortage of reputable scientists who dispute the UN position.

All scenarios of catastrophe are based on nothing more than output from computer models that have been fed what-if scenarios. These models can’t even model the past, let alone the future. The climate is simply too complex, with too many variables, to project into the future with any degree of confidence.

Man has always faced emergencies and we need to be prepared for emergencies in the future. But we should base our preparations on real-world conditions, not the fantasies of climate modelers at computer keyboards.

In my view, the greatest threats to public safety and national security come not from man-made climate change but from man-made climate models. We don’t even need to project far into the future to see the nature of some of these threats — we already have a taste of them.

You want global warming-related riots? We’ve seen them in recent years in several Third World countries, where a doubling and tripling of grain prices led to food riots. Last year the poor in Egypt rioted after price increases in bread. Food riots also occurred in Yemen and Pakistan and Indonesia. The previous year tens of thousands marched through the streets of Mexico City to protest increases of 400% in the price of tortillas.

These protets stemmed from policies designed to stop global warming, from crash programs converting food crops to fuel crops. Other crash programs to get us off fossil fuels have financed uneconomic hydro dams in the Third World, in the process taking out fertile river valleys and creating rootless migrants of what were once stable and self-sufficient farmers.

We are starting to see protests in the West, too, over attempts to deal with CO2. These are being called NUMBY protests — Not Under My Back Yard.

Governments in Canada, the US and Europe plan to build carbon capture and storage facilities to take the carbon out of smokestacks and store it underground. These facilities, which will be pumping billions of tons of CO2 underground, are predicted to become one of the major sources of induced earthquakes. These facilities also create a risk of suffocation should a major industrial accident lead to a release of carbon dioxide, as happened to communities near Lake Nyos in the Cameroons in 1986, after a natural release of carbon dioxide. Approxmately 1,700 villagers were asphyxiated, along with 3,500 livestock.

Communities are organizing against these facilities wherever they’re proposed. In Ohio, after a long fight the government just called off a carbon capture and storage facility. In Germany, a $110-million carbon capture and storage facility that was actually built was never operated because of local opposition.

The opposition to these facilities isn’t all coming from the grassroots level. The American Water Works Association, a trade group representing 4,700 water utilities that produce 80% of America’s drinking water, opposes this technology because CO2 threatens to contaminate aquifers. As it starkly told Congress last year, “many communities don’t have alternative sources of affordable drinking water.”

To date, attempts to mitigate global warming have caused enormous human suffering and ecological harm. With the globe not having warmed in the last 11 years — once again, to the surprise of the computer modelers — the safest thing we can do on global warming until we know more may be to do nothing; the most dangerous thing would be to continue to act boldly and in ignorance.

Read the full speech.

LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and Urban Renaissance Institute and author of The Deniers: The world-renowned scientists who stood up against global warming hysteria, political persecution, and fraud.

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Democrats abandoning Obama on global warming

Only 50% of Democratic voters in the U.S. agree with President Obama’s belief that humans are responsible for global warming, according to a new poll from Pew Research Center released today. This figure is down from the 58% average among Democrats in the last three years of the Bush Administration, and represents the first time that a majority of Democrats have not endorsed the man-made theory of global warming.

Independent voters in the U.S., meanwhile, have stopped blaming humans for global warming in even greater numbers. Only 33% now blame us. Last year, independents believed humans were to blame at the same 50% level that Democrats are now at. Republicans are also abandoning the “blame human” stance, dropping from 27% last year to 18% this year.

Among all Americans, only 36% blame humans, the lowest figure yet. Last year, 47% blamed humans.

For the full Pew poll, see here

LawrenceSolomon@nextcity.com
Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and
Urban Renaissance Institute and author of
The
Deniers: The world-renowned scientists who stood up against global warming
hysteria, political persecution, and fraud
.
 

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Fewer Americans See Solid Evidence of Global Warming

The Pew Research Center

October 22, 2009

Survey Also Shows Modest Support for “Cap and Trade” Policy

There has been a sharp decline over the past year in the percentage of Americans who say there is solid evidence that global temperatures are rising. And fewer also see global warming as a very serious problem – 35% say that today, down from 44% in April 2008.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Sept. 30-Oct. 4 among 1,500 adults reached on cell phones and landlines, finds that 57% think there is solid evidence that the average temperature on earth has been getting warmer over the past few decades. In April 2008, 71% said there was solid evidence of rising global temperatures.

Over the same period, there has been a comparable decline in the proportion of Americans who say global temperatures are rising as a result of human activity, such as burning fossil fuels. Just 36% say that currently, down from 47% last year.

The decline in the belief in solid evidence of global warming has come across the political spectrum, but has been particularly pronounced among independents. Just 53% of independents now see solid evidence of global warming, compared with 75% who did so in April 2008. Republicans, who already were highly skeptical of the evidence of global warming, have become even more so: just 35% of Republicans now see solid evidence of rising global temperatures, down from 49% in 2008 and 62% in 2007. Fewer Democrats also express this view – 75% today compared with 83% last year.

Despite the growing public skepticism about global warming, the survey finds more support than opposition for a policy to set limits on carbon emissions. Half of Americans favor setting limits on carbon emissions and making companies pay for their emissions, even if this may lead to higher energy prices; 39% oppose imposing limits on carbon emissions under these circumstances.

This issue has not registered widely with the public. Just 14% say they have heard a lot about the so-called “cap and trade” policy that would set carbon dioxide emissions limits; another 30% say they have heard a little about the policy, while a majority (55%) has heard nothing at all.

The small minority that has heard a lot about the issue opposes carbon emissions limits by two-to-one (64% to 32%). More Republicans (20%) and independents (17%) than Democrats (8%) have heard a lot about cap and trade. Among the much larger group that has heard little or nothing about the issue, most support it (58% little, 50% nothing).

With less than two months before the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, a majority (56%) of Americans think the United States should join other countries in setting standards to address global climate change while 32% say that the United States should set its own standards.

Shifts on Global Warming

Opinions about global warming changed little between 2006 and 2008. In August 2006 and January 2007, 77% said there was solid evidence that the earth’s temperatures were increasing; that figure fell modestly to 71% in April of last year.

Among those who saw solid evidence of global warming, most said it was largely caused by human activity, such as burning fossil fuels; in all three of those surveys, 47% of the public expressed this view. Far smaller percentages – including just 18% in 2008 – said it was mostly caused because of natural environmental patterns.

Currently, 57% say there is solid evidence of rising global temperatures, while 33% say there is no solid evidence. Fewer than four-in-ten (36%) now say global warming is mostly caused by human activity such as burning fossil fuels, while 16% say it is occurring mostly because of natural environmental patterns.


A majority (53%) of independents say there is solid evidence of warming, including 33% who say it is mostly caused by human activity. But this is far lower than in April 2008 when 75% said global warming was happen

ing and 50% said it was due to human activity.

The proportion of Republicans saying there is solid evidence of global warming declined from 62% in 2007 to 49% in 2008. The balance of opinion among Republicans has shifted, with a majority (57%) now saying there is no hard evidence of global warming. The drop among moderate and liberal Republicans has been particularly steep; 41% now say there is solid evidence of global warming, compared with 69% last year. The decline among conservative Republicans has been more modest (from 43% to 32%).

There has been less change in opinions among Democrats. Three-quarters of Democrats (75%) say there is solid evidence the earth is warming, including 50% who say that it is mostly because of human activity. In April 2008, 83% of Democrats said the earth is warming and 58% attributed it to human actions. More liberal Democrats than conservative and moderate Democrats say the earth is warming (83% vs. 72%), and far more liberal Democrats say that global warming is caused by human activity (69% vs. 43%).
There also are strong regional differences in opinions about global warming; fewer people living in the Mountain West (44%) and the Midwest (48%) say there is solid evidence of warming than in other regions. Similarly, there have been sharp declines since April 2008 in the proportion who say the earth is warming in the Mountain West (75% to 44%) and the Great Lakes region (69% to 49%). Both regions have also seen large drops in the percentage who say that warming is caused by human activity. (For a breakdown of states and regions, see About the Survey, pg. 10.)

Fewer See Warming as Very Serious Problem

A majority (65%) of the public continues to view global warming as a very (35%) or somewhat (30%) serious problem. But in April 2008, 73% expressed this view, including 44% who thought it was a very serious problem. About a third (32%) says global warming is not too serious (15%) or not a problem at all (17%). Last year, 24% said it was little or no problem. From 2006 to 2008, these numbers had been quite stable.

Partisan differences also are evident on evaluations of the seriousness of global warming. About half (49%) of Democrats say global warming is a very serious problem, down from 57% in April 2008. Far fewer conservative and moderate Democrats say global warming is a serious problem than did so last year, widening the gap between them and liberal Democrats. Currently, 39% of conservative and moderate Democrats say it is a very serious problem compared with 70% of liberal Democrats. A third of independents now say global warming is a very serious problem, a decline of 13 points from last year.

Only 14% of Republicans say that global warming is a very serious problem, down from 22% in April 2008. Just 20% of moderate and liberal Republicans now say that global warming is a very serious problem, down from 35% last year. Only 10% of conservative Republicans now say global warming is a very serious problem.


People living in the Midwest (30%) and the Mountain West (26%) are the least likely to view global warming as a very serious problem. There have been modest declines across regions, but they are particularly steep in the West (52% April 2008 to 36% now)

Young people are now far more likely than older Americans to view global warming as a very serious problem. Across all age groups, except those younger than 30, the percent who think warming is a very serious problem has declined since April 2008.

As expected, views about the seriousness of global warming are also related to whether people think there is solid evidence the earth is warming and whether it is human caused. A third of those who do not think there is solid evidence of global warming say it is a very or somewhat serious problem while 65% say it is not too serious or not a problem at all.

By comparison 65% of those who say that the warming is mostly caused by natural patterns in the earth’s environment say global warming is at least a somewhat serious problem. Nearly all (97%) who think the earth is warming mostly because of human activity say it is a problem. These numbers are largely unchanged from April 2008.

In January 2009, global warming ranked at the bottom of the public’s list of policy priorities for the president and Congress this year. Only 30% of the public said it should be a top priority, down from 35% a year ago. More than twice as many Democrats (45%) as Republicans (16%) rank global warming as a top priority, along with 25% independents. Global warming is the lowest-rated priority for both independents and Republicans and ranks sixteenth for Democrats among 20 issues. (Economy, Jobs Trump All Other Policy Priorities in 2009 Jan. 22).

Cap and Trade Barely Registers

As the health care debate has dominated the public’s attention, awareness about cap and trade legislation is quite low. A majority (55%) of the public has heard nothing at all about the cap and trade policy being considered by the president and Congress that would set limits on carbon dioxide emissions. Only 14% have heard a lot and 30% a little about this policy.

More Republicans (20%) and independents (17%) than Democrats (8%) have heard a lot about cap and trade although more Democrats have heard a little. Conservative Republicans are hearing the most; more than a quarter have heard a lot (28%) about the policy.

More people who say there is no solid evidence of global warming have heard a lot about cap and trade than those who think temperatures are rising (24% vs. 10%). But more of those who say that warming is caused mostly by human activity have heard a little about the proposed policy than those who say there is no evidence of warming (36% vs. 27%).

The most recent survey of the public’s knowledge by the Pew Research Center, released Oct. 14, found that just 23% of the public could correctly identify that the cap and trade legislation being discussed in Congress deals with energy and the environment; 48% were unsure and 29% said incorrectly that it deals with health care, banking reform or unemployment. More Republicans (27%) and independents (29%) correctly identify cap and trade as dealing with energy and the environment than Democrats (15%). (See Well Known: Public Option, Sonia Sotomayor; Little Known: Cap and Trade, Max Baucus).

Carbon Emissions Limits Favored

Half of the public favors setting limits on carbon dioxide emissions and making companies pay for their emissions, even if it may mean higher energy prices. About four-in-ten (39%) oppose this and 11% are unsure or do not offer an opinion.

Conservative Republicans are the only political group in which a majority (60%) opposes setting limits on carbon dioxide emissions. Most moderate and liberal Republicans (51%) favor this policy, as do an identical percentage of independents and a majority of Democrats (58%).

There also are wide regional differences in opinions about cap and trade. More people living near the Pacific coast (62%) and the Northeast (56%) favor limiting carbon emissions, even if it may mean higher energy prices than those living in the South (46%), Midwest (44%) and Mountain West (42%). More college graduates favor this policy than those with a high school education or less (59% vs. 43%), but there are very few differences by age.

Opinion about cap and trade is related to views about global warming. About three-fourths (74%) of those who think the earth is warming and it is mostly caused by human activity favor cap and trade legislation. By comparison, 41% of those who say warming is due to natural patterns in the earth’s environment favor limiting carbon emissions. But even 31% of those who say there is no solid evidence of rising temperatures favor cap and trade.

Public Supports Global Initiatives

A majority (56%) of Americans thinks the United States should join other countries in setting standards to address global climate change while 32% say the U.S. should set its own standards; 5% say neither and 6% are unsure. These numbers are similar to those in 2001 and 1997 when the public was asked about setting standards to improve the global environment.

More Democrats (66%) than independents (53%) or Republicans (47%) say the U.S. should join other countries in setting standards to address global climate change. Three-quarters of those who say the earth is warming mostly because of human activity think the U.S. should join with other countries in setting standards to address global climate change. By comparison, 51% of those who say warming is due to natural patterns in the earth’s environment and 42% who say the earth is not warming think the U.S. should join other countries in setting standards to address climate change.

About the Survey

Results for this survey are based on telephone interviews conducted under the direction of Abt/SRBI Inc. among a nationwide sample of 1,500 adults, 18 years of age or older, from September 30-October 4, 2009 (1125 respondents were interviewed on a landline telephone, and 375 were interviewed on a cell phone, including 141 who had no landline telephone). Both the landline and cell phone samples were provided by Survey Sampling International. Interviews were conducted in English.

The combined landline and cell phone sample are weighted using an iterative technique that matches gender, age, education, race/ethnicity, region, and population density to parameters from the March 2008 Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. The sample is also weighted to match current patterns of telephone status and relative usage of landline and cell phones (for those with both), based on extrapolations from the 2008 National Health Interview Survey. The weighting procedure also accounts for the fact that respondents with both landline and cell phones have a greater probability of being included in the combined sample and adjusts for household size within the landline sample.

The following table shows the error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey:

In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

For the regional analysis used in this report, states were grouped into smaller subregions or divisions as follows:

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