Congress Must Quickly Enact Clean Energy Law, House Panel Told

Environmental News Service

April 22, 2009

"On this Earth Day, we must state in no uncertain terms that we have a responsibility to our children and their children to curb the carbon emissions from fossil fuels that have begun to change our climate," Energy Secretary Steven Chu today told the House Energy and Commerce Committee and the Subcommittee on Energy and Environment.

The committee Tuesday began four days of hearings to consider a discussion draft of comprehensive energy legislation, the American Clean Energy and Security Act of 2009.

Chu warned that the world "will turn increasingly to unconventional sources of petroleum, which could lead to higher prices for consumers. With these rising energy costs and mounting changes to our climate, the development of clean, renewable sources of energy will be the growth industry of the 21st century," he said.

"The key question is – who will lead the world in making the fuel-efficient vehicles, wind turbines, solar panels, and other products and technologies that will power tomorrow’s economy?" said Chu, a Nobel Prize winning physicist and advocate for more research into alternative energy and nuclear power.

"There are two dangers, either one of which could dramatically weaken America’s future," he warned. "The first is that the world will fail to take action on climate change in time to prevent its worst potential effects. The second is that the United States will fail to seize this opportunity to lead, and the new clean energy jobs will be created overseas rather than in America."

"We can neither let our planet get too hot nor let our economy grow cold. We must get off the sidelines of the clean energy race and play to win," the energy secretary said.

Advanced energy industries "will be to the 2010s what Internet software was to the 1990s," U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lisa Jackson told the committee.

She said the Obama administration supports the bill’s proposals that aim to reduce America’s dependence on oil and cut back on the hundreds of billions of dollars that Americans pay to other oil producing countries every year.

Pat Davis and Ernie Oakes of the Energy Department test drive a Smart Fortwo Passion Cabriolet at the National Renewable Energy Lab. July 2008. (Photo by Pat Corkery courtesy NREL)

"The legislation would launch programs to promote electric vehicles and deploy technologies for capturing, pipelining, and geologically storing carbon dioxide produced at coal-fueled power plants," she said.

The measure would establish new low-carbon requirements for vehicles and fuels, and programs to help reduce vehicle-miles traveled with increased transportation options and help for communities that want to plan for sustainable growth.

And the bill would put a declining cap on the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide that traps the Sun’s heat close to the planet. Emissions allowances would be traded on a new carbon market – sold by utilities and factories that emit less than their allowances and purchased by those that emit too much.

"That market-based system aims to protect our children and grandchildren from severe environmental and economic harm, and great threats to national security while further invigorating advanced, American energy industries," said Jackson.

"Now, the ‘no, we can’t’ crowd will spin out doomsday scenarios about runaway costs," Jackson predicted. "But EPA’s available economic modeling indicates that the investment Americans would make to implement the cap-and-trade program of the American Clean Energy and Security Act would be modest compared to the benefits that science and plain common sense tell us a comprehensive energy and climate policy will deliver."

She reminded the committee members of the Beltway corporate lobbyists who insisted in the late 1980s that the Acid Rain Trading Program would cause "death for businesses across the country." That measure was drafted by the same committee and signed by Republican President George H.W. Bush in 1990.

But the acid rain program, which allows trades of permits to emit sulfur dioxide, now delivers annual health and welfare benefits estimated to be over 120 billion dollars at an annual cost of only three billion dollars, Jackson said.

Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood told the committee that "as the stewards of investments possibly at risk from the impacts of climate change, we want to equip decision makers with the data and tools they need to ensure that our transportation infrastructure and systems can sustain sea level rise, changing weather patterns, and other potential long-term consequences of climate change."

The department has already issued a study alerting state and local officials in the Gulf Coast region to potential changes in climate that could disrupt transportation services, said LaHood.

He said the DOT funds the development of alternative fuel technologies and deployment of alternative fuel buses, including hydrogen fuel cell buses, diesel-electric hybrid buses, and supports alternative fuels infrastructure investment for transit systems across the United States.

LaHood said a modern air traffic system, called the Next Generation Air Transportation System or NextGen, is in the works with "energy and environmental concerns at the heart of the effort," and the department is working with theaviation industry to reduce high altitude emissions and with the maritime industry to reduce ship stack emissions.

Committee Chairman Congressman Henry Waxman of California opened the hearing by saying that he and Congressman Ed Markey of Massachusetts drafted the bill using as a blueprint a plan proposed by the U.S. Climate Action Partnership, a coalition of energy and manufacturing corporations and environmental organizations.

Today’s hearing featured testimony from six key leaders of USCAP: DuPont, ConocoPhillips, Duke Energy, Alcoa, NRG, and the Natural Resources Defense Council.

Chad Holliday, chairman of E.I. DuPont de Nemours, told the committee, "We believe that the consensus achieved by the members of USCAP, who represent a tremendous breadth of the U.S. economy and civil society, provides a useful guide for policymakers such as yourselves who ultimately bear the responsibility of finding a politically viable solution and transforming ideas into law. This was the core idea behind the formation of USCAP, and we are pleased to see that many of the ideas we have developed are reflected in this bill."

"We appreciate your recognition of the inextricable linkages between climate and energy policies that must provide the diverse and adequate low-carbon energy supplies we will need as we combine economic growth with greenhouse gas emission reductions," Holliday said.

Frances Beinecke, president of the Natural Resources Defense Council, also said the draft’s integrated approach to energy and climate legislation is the right path to take and urged quick action.

"Passing effective climate legislation is NRDC’s highest priority," she said. "It is vital to enact legislation this year."

The current recession is no reason for delay, Beinecke said, because millions of clean energy jobs would be created but there would be no impact on energy costs until 2012 when the bill would limit carbon emissions.

"If we delay and emissions continue to grow," she warned, "it will become much harder to avoid the worst impacts of a climate gone haywire. In short, a slow start means a crash finish, with steeper and more disruptive emission cuts required for each year of delay or insufficient action."

But Myron Ebell of the Competitive Enterprise Institute told the committee that his organization opposes "all domestic measures to ration energy through mandates or taxes" including the draft bill. "Each and every title is fundamentally misguided," said Ebell. "In ou
r judgment, the American Clean Energy and Security Act cannot be improved enough to warrant enactment. It should not be introduced. If it is introduced, it should be defeated."

"Cap-and-trade has been widely sold as a ‘market-based approach’ to reducing emissions," Ebell said. "This is terribly misleading. Cap-and-trade subordinates markets to central planning. It takes the most important economic decisions out of the hands of private individuals acting in the market and puts them in the hands of government."

To Ebell, the most disturbing thing about the Waxman-Markey draft is its reliance on the recommendations of USCAP.

"It should be noted that most of the environmental organizations that belong to USCAP largely serve as front groups for big business interests," Ebell charged. "Thus, the authors of the draft bill have invited the beneficiaries of what could turn out to be the biggest transfer of wealth from consumers to special interests in American history to write the rules for this legalized plunder."

Congressman Joe Barton, Texas Republican who serves as ranking member on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, today wrote to Energy Secretary Chu and Labor Secretary Hilda Solis asking them to define what a green job is, and how many are expected to be created by the Waxman-Markey global warming bill or similar global warming legislation.

Barton and all Republican members of the committee, today asked Waxman and Markey to hold more hearings on their "massive" global warming bill.

"Your ambitious schedule of nine separate panels during this week’s three days of hearings is going to touch on many important topics, including the effect of mandatory cap and trade on the domestic economy, international trade competitiveness and participation of the developing world, green jobs and job market projections, and the oversight and trading of a $2 trillion carbon derivative market," the Republican lawmakers wrote.

"Your discussion draft affects every element of our economy and certainly deserves greater hearing treatment than a mere three-day marathon of topics."

Read the original story on the Environmental News Service website 

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A Call for Action: Consensus Principles and Recommendations

U.S. Climate Action Partnership: A Business and NGO Partnership

June 29, 2009

In June 2005, the U.S. National Academy of Sciences joined with the scientific academies often other countries in stating that “the scientific understanding ofclimate change is now sufficiently clear to justify nations taking prompt actions.”

Each year we delay action to control emissions increases the risk of unavoidable consequences that could necessitate even steeper reductions in the future, at potentially greater economic cost and social disruption.Action sooner rather than later preserves valuable response options,narrows the uncertainties associated with changes to the climate,and should lower the costs of mitigation and adaptation.

Read the full report in .pdf format 

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Sell nuclear to grow nuclear

Kevin Gaudet
EnterStageRight.com
June 29, 2009

Prime Minister Harper quipped last Fall that falling stock markets provided a good buying opportunity. Right now the opposite is true for Canadian nuclear. Now is the time for the government to sell, sell, sell; which is exactly what the government plans to do. The federal government plans to restructure and sell off parts of the federal Crown Corporation, Atomic Energy of Canada Limited (AECL).

AECL, in effect, runs three businesses; nuclear research (medical isotopes for example), CANDU nuclear reactor sales and development, and reactor servicing and refurbishment. The federal government has announced plans to divest both the sales and servicing divisions and proposes a public-private-partnership to run the medical isotope operation. A plan for how to do this is expected early this Fall.

Opponents of the restructuring argue that selling assets in a down market is a mistake. This is true but not relevant for nuclear today. The global market for nuclear power is experiencing tremendous growth. The World Nuclear Association projects world-wide demands of 100 or more new units with dozens of projects over the next 20 years. The nuclear market is on an upswing and now is the best time to sell.

Opponents also argue that AECL should never be sold as it is a ‘crown jewel’ whose jobs must be protected at all costs. They suggest this can only be accomplished with the federal government owning all of AECL and sinking untold more billions of dollars into it. They couldn’t be more wrong.

In fact, not selling AECL risks Canadian jobs. Of the 100 projected new units, only three are CANDU units, all from one Romanian project which was contracted back in 1977. There hasn’t been a CANDU sale for 13 years and none are on the horizon. The last CANDU sale was in 1996 to China when, then Prime Minister Chretien provided $1.6 billion from the Canada Account to fund the project.

The CANDU technology was once top notch. Now it is old news. Chalk River has been shut down and the project to build a new kind of reactor to replace it to produce medical isotopes – the Maple project – was scrapped. It was so far over budget and so far behind schedule that it had virtually no prospect of getting to market. As a result on the Chalk River mess, MDS Nordion has filed a $1.6 billion lawsuit against AECL for defaulting on its contract to provide medical isotopes. The lawsuit is a large taxpayer liability.

Divesting the reactor sales and development business would provide Canadian expertise  greater access to the growing global market, greater international expertise and new capital from which AECL is increasingly shut out.

The Canadian nuclear industry once was and still could be strong, in part, because it spans the nuclear fuel cycle; including uranium mining, electricity production, nuclear research and development, the application of nuclear technology in the medical field, and the management of nuclear fuel-waste. The federal government has funded this for over 50 years with decreasing success. The exact funding figure is unclear but substantial. Restructuring AECL also may protect Canadian taxpayers from the continued dumping of very large sums of cash into a company on the decline.

George Lermer, then Dean of the Faculty of Management at the University of Lethbridge, reported in 1996, that between 1947 and 1994, the federal government had invested $19 billion (in 2001 dollars as calculated later by Energy Probe) in AECL and its CANDU program, over and above any offsetting gain to the federal government or federal taxpayers. Dean Lermer concluded that “The CANDU project should have been declared a commercial failure and wound up at least two decades ago.” And the cash keeps flowing. Since 2006-07 AECL has received $1.7 billion more.

AECL has had a shoddy record when it comes to meeting budgets for building its reactors. According to the Pembina Institute, 7 projects to build 22 reactors at Pickering A and B, Bruce A and B, Gentility 2, Point LePreau, and Darlington all came in two to three times over budget. To be fair, nuclear projects are often over budget. However, restructuring can reduce the risks to taxpayers.

AECL has benefited from more taxpayer money than any other corporate welfare recipient; even more than GM, Chrysler, Pratt and Whitney and Bombardier combined. With Ontario expected later this year to announce the winner of its $26 plus billion in nuclear projects, taxpayers and Canadian nuclear workers alike would be best served by the government’s planned AECL restructuring. ESR

Kevin Gaudet is the federal director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation. © 2009, Kevin Gaudet

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Nuclear Responsibility

June 27, 1998

More Information on this subject from the Canadian Coalition on Nuclear Responsibility : http://www.ccnr.org/index.html

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DuPont’s new game

Lawrence Solomon
Financial Post
June 27, 2009

DuPont made a killing in the battle over CFC regulation. Now it’s poised to do it all over again with carbon dioxide. Fourth in a series called ‘Climate Profiteers’.

Climate ProfiteersIn the 1800s, DuPont’s first century as an industrial concern, it cashed in on the money to be made in explosives. In its second century, the 1900s, DuPont morphed into a money machine in chemistry and energy. In this, its third century, DuPont sees green in a new cash cow, one it projects will take it to unprecedented profitability – sustainable development.

This corporate strategy, explains chairman Chad Holliday, is both principled and fundamental: “DuPont’s sustainability commitments aren’t just good for business – they are our business.”

DuPont’s commitment to sustainability began in 1997 when it decided to abandon its membership in The Global Climate Coalition, a high-powered lobby created by the oil, gas, coal, automobile and chemical companies to counter fears of global warming. Although the coalition had been created in 1989, soon after the first meeting of the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the coalition was losing the PR battle. DuPont switched sides and began to lobby for government to stop global warming.

In doing so, DuPont took a page out of its own playbook. In 1980, DuPont had spearheaded the creation of the Alliance for Responsible CFC Policy, a lobby group that would successfully fight off regulation of CFCs, a chemical that many companies manufactured. Then in 1986, with patented alternatives to CFCs in hand, DuPont had a change of heart.

In a move its Alliance partners considered a betrayal, DuPont switched sides, called CFCs a danger to the planet, and lobbied the Reagan Administration to ban CFCs. So successful was DuPont that Ronald Reagan became the world’s first head of state to personally push his government to ban CFCs. DuPont’s efforts culminated in the Montreal Protocol, a treaty Reagan described as “a monumental achievement.”

Others were ambivalent about what had transpired. As put by Mostafa Tolba, the Executive Director of the UN Environment Programme, “The difficulties in negotiating the Montreal Protocol had nothing whatever to do with whether the environment was damaged or not. It was all who was going to gain an edge over who; whether DuPont would have an advantage over the European companies or not.”

The advantage went to DuPont, which soon controlled the rich replacement market for CFCs. Du Pont’s Freon Division Director, Joseph Glass, laid out DuPont’s coup succinctly: “When you have $3-billion of CFCs sold worldwide and 70% of that is about to be regulated out of existence, there is a tremendous market potential.”

DuPont is now keen to duplicate its “monumental achievement” with other regulatory coups in the richest regulatory environment of all – that of global warming. To this end, it helped found the United States Climate Action Partnership (USCAP), a coalition of blue-chip business and environmental groups, to lobby the U.S. government for legislation that will suit their agenda. From DuPont’s point of view, USCAP has been another monumental achievement. Yesterday, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a global warming bill – largely a USCAP product – that represents the largest transfer of wealth from U.S. consumers to corporate interests in history. As DuPont’s Holliday told the committee with evident satisfaction, “we are pleased to see that many of the ideas we have developed are reflected in this bill.”

As well he should be. The mammoth bill’s cap-and-trade system not only gives DuPont and other major emitters a windfall in free emission allowances, but also boosts a host of the technologies that DuPont specializes in. As a cherry on top, DuPont will not only receive subsidies for upgrades and other investments it would have made regardless, it could even receive subsidies for such investments made before the bill was passed.

The bill, though endorsed by environmental groups happy with the grand bargain being made, is not without controversy. Greenpeace opposes the bill on numerous grounds, not least because of its corporate giveaways and because it would spur a new generation of coal and nuclear power plants. Other environmentalists deplore its boost to biofuels, and the effect that carbon offsets can have on the Third World’s environment. But though the bill’s environmental benefits are in doubt, there are no doubts as to its effect on DuPont’s bottom line.

After it helped found USCAP two years ago, DuPont predicted that by 2015 it would be able to grow its annual greenhouse-gas related revenues by at least $2-billion a year, and that its sales of renewable materials that displac
e fossil fuels would double to $8-billion. If the bill does indeed become law, DuPont’s estimates will look awfully sustainable. As will those of the legions of other corporations whose lobbying has made climate change the world’s largest industry with the world’s largest payoffs for those skilled at gaming the system.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and Urban Renaissance Institute and author of The Deniers: The world-renowned scientists who stood up against global warming hysteria, political persecution, and fraud.

Read next or previous article in the Climate Profiteers series.

Other Climate Profiteers articles: 

Enron’s other secret

Climate insurance

Hot climate premiums

Fill up with subsidies

Profitin’ in the wind

Carbon baron Gore

Further reading:

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Suzuki silliness

Lorrie Goldstein
Edmonton Sun
June 25, 2009

Famed environmentalist stages energetic home invasions.


So far, not many people have seen Canadian environmentalist Tom Adams‘ clever YouTube video Home Invasion David Suzuki Style. I’m hoping that together, we’re going to change that.

An independent energy and environmental consultant, Adams was for 11 years, until 2007, the highly-respected executive director of Energy Probe, a sister organization of Pollution Probe.

Adams believes so-called "green" energy decisions by governments are best made by paying attention to such old-fashioned ideas as democracy, due process and paying for the real costs of electricity.

This as opposed to turning the energy market into a giant casino where governments arbitrarily decide winners and losers among energy producers and consumers by cabinet decree, after consulting with favoured environmental groups and renewable energy industry lobbyists, who then gush support for the government’s "green" initiatives.

All this while treating taxpayers like mushrooms — covering them with manure and keeping them in the dark.

Which pretty much describes the approach of the Ontario government these days under Premier Dalton McGuinty, sadly illustrative of governments in general.

If you go to youtube.com and type in Home Invasion David Suzuki Style in the search engine, up will pop the mild-mannered Adams, warning about the potential abuse of state power when it comes to all things "green."

For months, Ontarians have been subjected to patronizing, tiresome television commercials — paid for with their taxes — featuring Suzuki lecturing clueless citizens (apparently the government’s view) on conservation.

Suzuki has been shown doing everything from conspiring with children in a tree house on how to correct the energy-wasting habits of their parents, to showing up in the basement of some guy with the mental acuity of Homer Simpson, delighted to learn how much more beer he can buy with the energy savings from getting rid of his old beer fridge.

Adams zeroes in one ad called "Habitat" — see it at powerwise.ca/features/videos — in which Suzuki sneaks into someone’s home and caulks the windows — dripping the stuff on the floor — while describing the sleeping homeowner as an energy-wasting species known as the "common draft dodger." Awakened by Suzuki, the groggy homeowner emerges from his bedroom and the two stare vacantly at each other, before Suzuki takes off, stopping briefly on the guy’s lawn to deliver more advice, whereupon the homeowner appears at the door and Suzuki scoots away.

Adams points out the problem with this ad — apparently the government’s idea of humour — is that the joke is on us.

That’s because in the original version of McGuinty’s Green Energy Act — applauded by the Suzuki Foundation and other environmental groups as "world class" — Suzuki, or anyone designated by a government bureaucrat, could, in fact, under the "Inspection, Enforcement and Penalties" section of the law, conduct surprise search and seizure raids on anyone’s home or business.

This to check out activities deemed suspicious by the government related to energy or water use.

In the case of a house raid, the government, uh, generously stipulated a search warrant would have to be obtained, presumably before grilling groggy homeowners at midnight about their electricity and water bills.

NOT A PEEP

Adams says the Suzuki Foundation and other environmental groups didn’t raise a peep of protest about these draconian, privacy-violating measures, while praising the act.

Yesterday, a spokesman for the foundation told me it didn’t focus on this aspect of the law because it knew early on McGuinty wasn’t going to go through with these "Big Brother" provisions.

OK. Two questions for McGuinty.

What efforts did his government make to inform ordinary citizens it was planning these draconian measures and how many knew as fast as the Suzuki Foundation that it was dropping them?

Adams concludes the good news is McGuinty was ultimately embarrassed into dropping the search and seizure provisions, but the bad news is what he left in the law is worse,

How bad? Type "Green Energy Act Paradox" into youtube’s search engine.

He’ll tell you.

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CNP’s top ten reasons for Jean Cretien to say NO CANDU to China

 

The Campaign for Nuclear Phaseout calls on Prime Minister Jean Chrétien to stop the sale of CANDU reactors to China. China is an international outlaw in its nuclear policies, as well as in its abysmal record of human rights abuses. Selling nuclear reactors to China places Canada in an indefensible moral, political and environmental position. Here are CNP’s top ten reasons for Jean Chrétien and his team to call off the sale:

10 Canada should not be using tax dollars to prop up this dying industry

  • Canada will finance 1/3 of the cost, which will require borrowing $1.5 billion;
  • AECL currently receives about $174 million annually in federal subsidies;
  • since 1948, in today’s dollars, Ottawa gave the nuclear industry $13 billion;
  • AECL will make, at most, $200 million over several years from the China deal. 

    9 By exporting CANDU reactors, we burden others with our unsolved problems

     

  • official reports concede that catastrophic accidents in CANDUs are possible;
  • CANDU reactors have the same pressure tube design flaw as the Chernobyl reactor;
  • routine emissions of radioactive tritium from CANDUs endangers health;
  • use of heavy water or plutonium for military purposes cannot be prevented;
  • lengthy shutdowns and exorbitantly expensive repairs are a CANDU curse. 

    8 There is no simple means of dismantling nuclear reactors at the end of their life

     

  • dismantling the radioactive structures of old reactors is a major problem;
  • premature aging of reactor components can seriously compromise safety;
  • dismantling old reactors will yield 1000s of truckloads of radioactive rubble;
  • there is no proven solution to the problem of radioactive waste disposal;
  • Canada’s largest operator of nuclear reactors, Ontario Hydro, has not put aside any money for waste disposal & dismantling. What will China do?

    7 Producing nuclear waste is inconsistent with a sustainable development strategy

     

  • the radioactive wastes will remain dangerous for tens of thousands of years;
  • plutonium in the nuclear waste will be usable for atomic bombs for millennia;
  • the high cost of nuclear power diverts investments away from sustainable energy options;
  • the long-term costs of nuclear power will affect our future economy and environment ;
  • acts of war directed against a reactor can precipitate a Chernobyl-like disaster;

    6 Ontario Hydro can’t keep its CANDU reactors safe — so how can others do it?

     

  • Ontario Hydro is $30 billion in debt, all of it related to nuclear investments;
  • Ontario Hydro can no longer afford to keep its reactors in prime condition;
  • Hydro is shutting down a large reactor this year, 20 years ahead of schedule;
  • Hydro may be forced to shut 8 Pickering reactors if safety doesn’t improve;
  • 670 “significant events” occured at Ontario Hydro’s nuclear power plants in 1995;
  • repairs to two Pickering reactors cost $700 million, during a 4- year shutdown;

    5 China has refused to repay hundreds of millions of dollars in legitimate debts

     

  • Chinese state enterprises have defaulted on $600 million in bank loans;
  • banks in Japan, Germany & Italy have been left “holding the bag” by China;
  • China International Trust & Investment Corp (CITICO) won’t pay its debts;
  • CITICO owes $40 million to the London Metal Exchange, but refuses to pay;
  • two Chinese state companies owe $100 million in losses to Lehman Brothers;
  • AECL has confirmed that there will be no political risk insurance on the China reactor loan.
  • This means, that should China default, Canadian taxpayers will be forced to pay off the loan.

    4 China has imprisoned thousands of its citizens for advocating democracy

  • China’s Premier, Li Peng, a.k.a. the “Butcher of Beijing”, will be signing the CANDU deal for China;
  • Li Peng was the engineer of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre;
  • he called out the tanks, and hundreds of peaceful demonstrators were killed;
  • he labelled the pro-democracy movement “a counter-revolutionary riot”;
  • after the massacre, he had thousands of pro-democracy activists arrested;
  • many are still in prison because they embrace democracy & the rule of law;
  • Amnesty International says “dissent in any form continues to be repressed”;

    3 China practices harsh repression, including sterilization and forced abortion

     

  • China routinely uses forced prison labour to manufacture goods for export;
  • will slave labour be used in China, as in Romania, to build CANDU reactors?
  • torture & other forms of ill-treatment are reported by Amnesty International;
  • China dumps nuclear waste in Tibet, where atrocities are also frequent;
  • in 1994, Jean Chrétien said the world community must denounce such acts;
  • M. Chrétien wrote that China’s “human rights violations are not acceptable”;
  • M. Chrétien added, to get that message across, “words are clearly not enough”.
  • Now M.Chrétien is selling China nuclear reactors at bargain basement prices.

    2 We owe it to our own citizens and to the world not to legitimate dictatorships

     

  • experience has shown that tolerating injustice does not help to eliminate it;
  • Canada spoke out against apartheid, and thereby played a role in ending it;
  • appeasement is a policy showing moral bankruptcy and political cowardice;
  • dictators thrive on pomp & privilege; they wither under exposure & censure;
  • Jean Chrétien is supposed to represent the electorate, not the nuclear industry;

    1 China has sold nuclear reactors and guided missiles to Pakistan and Iran

     

  • Canada can not turn a blind eye to the insidious spread of nuclear weapons;
  • Canada gave a nuclear reactor to India, who used it to make an atomic bomb;
  • Pakistan is developing its own nuclear weapons capability clandestinely;
  • Iran & Iraq have both revealed a determination to obtain nuclear weapons;
  • since we refuse nuclear exports to Pakistan & Iran, exports to China should also be denied;
  • concern over how China will use acquired nuclear reactor technology has led the
  • United States to ban sales of reactors to China.CANDU exports make no sense given the health, environmental, economic, and safety concerns related to the use of nuclear power. Canada should stop the CANDU exports to China.

 

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No more Chernobyls-Cernavoda

Background on reactors in Eastern Europe, with details on Cernavoda, up to 1996.

http://www.ecn.cz/c10/cern.html

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Aldyen Donnelly: Federal low carbon fuel standard (LCFS) dropped from climate change bill

In his May 18 summary of the amendments to the Waxman-Markey climate change bill ("ACES"), David Doniger at the Natural Resources Defence Council ("NRDC") accurately reports that the federal Low carbon fuel standard. ("LCFS") that was incorporated in the March 31 draft has been dropped from the bill. Doniger goes on to suggest that the LCFS would have limited US oil companies’ consumption of feedstock originating in Alberta’s oilsands. I have since heard it suggested, in Canada, that the removal of the LCFS from ACES gets Canadian oilsands producers off the hook, for now.

This, however, is not the case. One of the reasons the US House dropped the federal LCFS from the bill is that it is reasonable to conclude that the cap and trade provisions of the bill are sufficiently (I would suggest excessively) discriminatory against oilsands-based feedstock and refined product exports into the US.

I addressed this aspect of the bill in my prior summary of its implications for Canada. I will be drafting an updated summary over the weekend after tomorrow House vote on the bill (which has grow to 1,201 pages from the original 648 of the March 31 version), and will go over this aspect of the proposed law in the new summary.

Over and above the discriminatory elements that remain in the ACES draft legislation, President Obama has indicated that the US EPA will issue waivers allowing US states to adopt the California LCFS if they so wish. To date, 15 US states including most of the major northeastern states have indicated their intention to do so. This has major implications for all Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick refineries, because:

  • the Ontario refineries increasingly rely on feedstock from Alberta’s oilsands and
  • the other eastern refineries rely heavily on feedstocks from Venezuela.


The California LCFS assigns the same default GHG factor to products derived from Venezuelan feedstocks that is assigned to those derived from Alberta’s oilsands. Please note that the LCFS assigns disproportionately favourable (compared to reported actual) GHG factors to products derived from California heavy oil and Nigerian conventional crude oil.

Canadian producers should be able to get US courts to strike down bogus US LCFS GHG factors, but will only be able to do so by tracking, auditing and publicly disclosing actual Canadian wellhead-to-refinery gate GHGs, by upgrading facility and reinfery, more comprehensively than is common practice at this time.

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Aldyen Donnelly: Bad news at first glance: deal reached by U.S. Congress yesterday potential good news for cellulosic ethanol producers

The New York Times reported yesterday that the Waxman-Markey bill will go to vote and be passed by the House tomorrow. In order to get the required votes, the bill drafters have made a number of major compromises with moderate Democrats. One of those compromises was an agreement that the indirect impacts of land use change would not be accounted for in the accounting for GHG emissions for ethanol produced from corn.

From the NYT:
"Waxman also agreed to exempt ethanol from indirect-land-use analysis for five years. In other words, if corn or soy in the United States is grown for fuel and that, in turn, prompts farmers elsewhere to clear a patch of forest and grow their own corn, well, the EPA can’t consider that in its assessment of the impacts of ethanol. Joe Romm deems this a minimal concession, since corn-based ethanol is already exempt from this sort of scrutiny, and newer biofuels like cellulosic ethanol-where this rule could do a lot of damage-are more than five years away anyway. That’s the optimistic take, at least."

At first glance, this concession to US corn growers and corn-based ethanol producers looks bad for potential US producers of cellulosic ethanol and foreign producers of cellulosic ethanol who want to export product into the US market. The forest accounting methods and definition of "biomass" employed in the proposed climate change bill, as well as the existing Renewable Fuel Standard, mean that indirect land use changes will be accounted for in the establishment of GHG emission factors for cellulosic ethanol and for electricity that derives from wood waste. While the detailed calculations are complex, the general strategy is that only biomass that is material that originates on a "recurring and renewable" basis may be deemed renewable by US regulators, and biomass-based fuels and electricity that derive from material that does not meet this test will be classified as "fossil fuel" under the US RFS and proposed GHG laws. While we have to wait for a final US regulation to be certain, current indications are that US regulators will rule that BC pine beetle waste is not material that originates on a "recurring and renewable". What is less certain is whether or US regulations will assign one single national GHG charge to all Canadian biomass and biomass-based energy exports, or allow Canadian producers to carve Canadian forests into regions to differentiate between biomass originating in sustainably managed stands versus biomass that originates in stands that are significant net GHG sources.

The authors of the NYT article and bill drafters appear to believe (inaccurately, in my view) that cellulosic ethanol is more than 5 years from becoming a commercial reality. They rely on this belief to avoid dealing with the proposed discrimination against cellulosic ethanol.

In fact, however, the deal US House members cut yesterday with US corn producers is potentially the break that Canadian biomass producers have needed. Neither world trade rules nor US law permit US regulators to favour a product (ethanol) on the basis of how it is made when that favour does not reflect "good" or "accepted" science and demonstrable enviornmental impacts. US regulators really only have two choices:

  • they can elect to ignore land use-related impacts associated with ethanol and biomass-based electricity products for all biomass-based energy, based on the argument that there is insufficient scientific knowledge to enable them to account for land use change reliably and equitably over all ethanol and biomass-based product sales; or,
  • they can elect to try to account for land-use change for all ethanol fuel streams, in the hope that their scientific arguments stand up in US courts and WTO and NAFTA tribunals.


I do not believe, based on my understanding of the international and US domestic laws, that US regulators have the option they elected yesterday–which is to account for land use change for cellulosic ethanol, but not account for land use change for corn-based ethanol.

It is not certain that this erroneous decision will be maintained through the Senate and conference bill development processes still to be completed before the US has a final climate change law. But if the other side of Congress maintains this stance, I would argue that this is a potential source of competitive advantage for Canadian developers of cellulosic ethanol and cellulose-based power projects. The bill now gives 3 US corn-based ethanol producers (ADM, Cargill and subsidiaries of the Carlyle Group combine to account for almost 70% of US production at this time) massive market power at the expense of any other US entities that might be interested in developing cellulosic ethanol production processes to compete with their corn-based supply. This should slow down development of cellulosic technology in the US, which means a reduction in competition for Canadian technology leaders.

When Canadian producers hit the US market with cellulosic ethanol sooner than the US legislators currently believe possible, the government of Canada should back up the Canadian producers with at least the threat of WTO, NAFTA and US court challenges of any US regulations that discriminate against cellulosic ethanol and favour corn-based ethanol based on land use impacts. The faster Canadian producers are exporting cellulosic ethanol, the more likely it is that the US government response will be to settle with a decision to remove consideration of land use change (forest sustainability) from the GHG factor calculation for Canadian cellulosic ethanol and wood waste-based electricity (as opposed to adding consideration of land use change back into the GHG factor calculation for US corn-based ethanol).

A US decision to remove land use change considerations from the wood waste-to-energy GHG factor calculation might give BC, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick the time we need to replant understocked forest lands to get our national forest back into balance. This would be very good for both Canada’s traditional forest industry and the emerging new bioenergy sector. In the absence of this possible bit of luck, Canadian forest products and biomass-based energy exports are likely to wear aggressive US GHG tariffs on their exports.

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