Parkinson's flaw by Tom Adams

National Post   December 21/2006

Parkinson’s flaw   by Tom Adams

On Dec. 8, Tom Parkinson, CEO of the Ontario government-owned power utility Hydro One, with $11.7-billion in assets and $4.4-billion in revenue, left his job under a deluge of condemnation from politicians, the media and the public. The government said he resigned. Here is what really happened.

At home one weekend earlier this year, Parkinson received a dreaded call from his brother – their mother was about to lose her battle with cancer. To see her alive, he had to get to Australia immediately. Hydro One’s CEO could not have anticipated that his next two calls would precipitate his political electrocution, and a new politicization of Ontario’s power system.

Hydro One’s chair, Rita Burak, got the first call. A former top bureaucrat often decorated for her service in Ontario, she expected the call too. Take as much family time as necessary, she told him. Parkinson’s employment contract provided an allowance for a set number of flights home. Burak agreed that Hydro One would buy the ticket.

Parkinson’s second call went to his secretary, for help arranging the tickets. The secretary used her corporate charge card, rather than his, to buy the ticket. That was Parkinson’s first mistake.

His second mistake came later this year, during the August long weekend, when he was alone at his cottage with his 10-year old son. A massive summer storm had demolished hundreds of kilometres of power lines. Nearby, in roadless terrain near Massasauga Park, work crews were dealing with two high-voltage towers on the vital Sudbury to Toronto circuit. Emergency work was wrapping up.

The superintendent tackling the storm damage to the power system, knowing Parkinson was nearby, sent him an e-mail. A chopper was in the air in his area. Would Parkinson join the exhausted guys for a BBQ on the right-of-way, and then join the helicopter search for storm damage south toward Toronto? In Ontario’s entire power history, few line crews have celebrated a completed storm repair by lunching with their CEO under newly restored wires. Parkinson wanted to be with his crew but initially resisted – he couldn’t leave his son alone. The superintendent countered by saying there was a spare seat in the chopper. Parkinson decided to join his crew for the BBQ, son in tow.

These two offences – widely characterized as scandalous perks taken at taxpayer expense – would lead to Parkinson’s firing. In fact, the motivation for his firing had nothing to do with these "offences" – conduct that would have been laudable in many people’s minds had they understood. Parkinson’s real offence came from his no-nonsense management style, which the unions resented and his political masters found embarrassing.

Parkinson had sought to control bloated industry-wide pay scales left over from Ontario Hydro. In 2005 Parkinson, challenged the inflated compensation demands of Hydro One’s management union. With his board’s support, Parkinson drew his line – existing entitlements would remain but new staff would only get market rates. Parkinson’s prepared so well for the negotiations that when the union struck for 105 days and consumer demands hit records, the lights stayed on. Unable to take the heat as the strike worn on, Premier Dalton McGuinty caved to the union, thereby saddling consumers with excess costs more than $100-million per year.

In March, speaking to a trade association, Parkinson let fly. Government had mired critical projects in duplicated bureaucracy and indecision. New transmission to accommodate the government’s nuclear and wind power purchases in Bruce area are so stalled that massive amounts of power, already paid for, will stay locked in and wasted.

The more Parkinson became critical of government interference, the more the government resolved he had to go. To eject Parkinson, the government had three aces.

It could cultivate whining about Parkinson’s compensation, which originated with the Harris government’s original privatization strategy, conceived when Ontario Hydro collapsed into insolvency in 1998. Parkinson, a privatization-savvy grid expert with a record of success in Australia’s power privatization, agreed to uproot his family and come to Ontario because of the opportunity that lay in a privatized Ontario Hydro. The deal: relatively low base pay, incentives to maximize the company’s value to taxpayers, limited ex patriot travel, a car allowance, and an opportunity that the next owners might keep him on. In 2001, Parkinson joined as head of a subsidiary.

As Parkinson moved up the ladder, the components remained but his compensation shrank as Hydro One’s drifted back towards a Crown corporation. In 2005, under Energy Minister Dwight Duncan’s scrutiny, a five-year contract was negotiated with much of the payment geared to results. The contract also contained a $3-million penalty clause should Parkinson be fired without cause.

The government could also count on the public’s memory of the last Hydro One CEO, Eleanor Clitheroe, who left amid scandal. Complaints against her focused on her compensation, perks, and glamorous image.

The government also knew it had the upper hand with directors on Hydro One’s board – they require reappointment every January.

One option the government did not have was firing Parkinson for cause. When he took the helm, he refocused the company on its core wires business. As a result, Hydro’s performance is way up. Serious accidents dropped from 95 to 68 per year. High-voltage customer satisfaction more than doubled to 91% in 2006. Interruptions at key delivery points dropped from 0.8 to 0.6 events per year. The grid around Toronto was reconfigured on time and budget, including a completely new high-voltage transformer station. Hydro One finally got around to cleaning up dangerously overgrown rural lines neglected by the old Ontario Hydro. A new Grid Control Centre was completed in Barrie on time and budget in 2004. Two months ago, it was certified by the continental power reliability regulator as best in class in North America. Hydro One’s credit rating also improved; progress that will directly save consumers tens of millions.

Then came the annual report of the Provincial Auditor. The report was issued Dec. 5. Hydro One endorsed its recommendations. Notwithstanding the fact that the report found no wasted funds, the adjective-of-the-week the media used when referring to the report was "scathing" due to an incidental observation made in the report, unrelated to any recommendation: "In one case, a senior executive’s secretary charged over $50,000 to her charge card for goods and services, a significant portion of which was for the person to whom she reported. The senior executive then approved the purchases, whereas Hydro One’s policies require that the executive’s superior approve the expenses. This practice also exempts these expenditures from an annual review of senior executive expenses conducted by the corporation’s external auditor."

The report’s criticism, in fact, was aimed not at Parkinson – who had merely followed company procedures – but at what the auditor viewed as a poor management procedure. The press also misread the report by thinking that most of the $50,000 involved personal expenses. In fact, most related to office moving and furniture due to relocation, office supplies, business meeting expenses, and cell phone bills – the only personal item was $11,000 for Parkinson’s last ticket to see his mother. That $11,000, moreover, was taxable and tracked routinely by the payroll process to include on Parkinson’s T4.

According to Hydro One vice-president Peter Gregg – confirmed by several direct sources – the ticket was approved in advance by the board chair as per Hydro One’s reporting rules. The expense was properly payable by Hydro One. Gregg and all sources I interviewed for this story noted that, in addition, the internal audit staff of Hydro One had flagged the expenditures, and the chair signed off a second time on the cost of the ticket, this time formally. The approval procedures used and the purpose of the spending were appropriate.

Both the chair’s prior approval and the employment contract were directly brought to the attention of the auditor by senior Hydro One people during the audit review and upon review of the draft report in October. A senior audit staffer read Parkinson’s employment contract in the presence of Hydro One’s former general counsel, now acting CEO, Laura Formusa, who pointed out the provision for flights.

Neither the auditor nor his staff interviewed Parkinson on the secretary’s charge-card items, although Parkinson attended meetings with the auditor, consistent with the auditor finding no fault with Parkinson’s conduct.

Yet the NDP leader stated: "Parkinson spent $45,000 of public money on personal expenses and tried to hide it on his secretary’s credit card. Now we find out that these so-called personal expenses include vacation flights to Australia." Sheltered by parliamentary privilege, the NDP’s Peter Kormos screamed, "Hell, he shouldn’t just be losing his job; he should be going to jail."

McGuinty agreed with the NDP leader, saying "things that have happened there which are unacceptable, to reduce it to one word."

John Tory came closest to the truth, demanding to know why $3-million in severance was paid since the government claims that Parkinson resigned.

The government’s claim of resignation is a deliberate half truth. Hydro One’s board of directors remained united in their support for their embattled CEO to the end. On Dec. 7, under direct political pressure and Question Period in high rant, Hydro

One’s board held an emergency meeting. All in attendance realized the board member’s jobs were at risk.

A deal was stuck. In a tacit admission that there never was cause for firing, the government accepted the contractual severance in return for a resignation. To make its views clear, the board issued a public statement announcing Parkinson’s departure, heaping praise on his contribution.

Parkinson also accepted the deal. "I had no effective alternative. This was an abusive relationship and I’m glad it’s over," he said in an interview. "This was about commercial compensation in a business that is about to lose the commercial mandate and become a Crown corporation. The writing is on the wall for others."

What can we expect? Parkinson again. "H1 is too complex, too valuable and too important to the Ontario economy to be in government hands. Career politicians and mediocre ex-CEOs are not up to the complex challenge of running companies like these. The price of chronic government interference is enormous."

When he came to power, McGuinty promised to depoliticize the power system, to give Hydro One a commercial mandate, and let it operate like a business. McGuinty executed not just Parkinson, but also a 180-degree flip-flop. "We will work more closely with the board," says McGuinty now.

Ontario’s power system now has all the stability, foresight and focus that Question Period affords.

Posted in Reforming Ontario's Electrical Generation Sector | Leave a comment

Politicians ‘missing the point’ on Hydro, say experts

Provincial political leaders are mired in the past when it comes to the debate over Manitoba Hydro – and it could end up costing Manitobans a fortune, according to an Ontario energy expert.

 

Over the past few days, the leaders of Manitoba’s three major parties have traded barbs on the issue of public ownership of Manitoba Hydro. All three say they’re committed to public ownership of the utility.

It’s a debate that misses the point, says Tom Adams, executive director of the environmental lobby group Energy Probe.

“I think they’re totally missing the point,” Adams told CBC. The province is missing “gigantic” economic and environmental opportunities by not focusing on energy conservation, he said.

“Manitoba Hydro’s got these little piddly conservation programs where they . . . run ads in the newspaper imploring people to turn off the lights when they leave the room. Meanwhile, they’re continuing to price electricity as if there’s no point in turning off the lights when you leave the room,” he said.

If Manitobans paid more for electricity, he says, they’d use less – and much more would be left over to sell to Ontario and other power-hungry jurisdictions.

“The value of electricity that’s squandered in the baseboard heaters and electric water heaters and inefficient industrial processes around Manitoba is truly enormous,” he said.

“The cheapest power that Manitoba has for sale is not from very costly new mega-projects in the remote north, which both political parties are campaigning for. Rather, it’s from electricity that might be conserved by consumers, resulting in surplus power in Manitoba that’s available for sale to neighbours.”

‘Shouldn’t be ideological’

University of Manitoba political scientist Paul Thomas agrees that the Hydro debate has become needlessly focused on the issue of privatization, so there’s been no discussion about changes that might actually improve the Crown utility.

“Somebody should be thinking about that, quite frankly,” he said. “It’s a question that shouldn’t be ideological. It should be, ‘What would work best for Manitobans?’

“Are there ways in which we could follow other provinces, who have broken off parts of their hydro enterprises and [have] them operating like a private firm, competing with public and private mixture in the marketplace – say, residential hydro services, for example,” said Thomas, who previously chaired the board of MTS, before it was privatized under Gary Filmon’s Conservative government in 1996.

The difference between continuing to discuss the past and looking to the future, Adams suggested, is this: with proper management of Manitoba Hydro, Manitoba could be a “have” province, meaning it would no longer receive equalization payments from the federal government.

Posted in Energy Probe News, Manitoba, Utility Reform | Leave a comment

The nuclear shield

Acts of gross negligence by suppliers of nuclear goods and services – the kind of mistakes that might cause nuclear reactors to explode – will no longer be protected from liability under a proposed law that passed first reading in the House of Commons last month.

If the Nuclear Liability and Compensation Act passes, companies knowingly supplying faulty nuclear goods or services that cause a nuclear accident will no longer be exempt from liability for injuries or loss of property suffered by neighbours of nuclear power stations. Under the existing law, suppliers such as General Electric, SNC-Lavalin and Westinghouse are immune from prosecution, even if they supply faulty equipment recklessly or with intent to injure.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s new law will also provide more time for victims of radiation poisoning to claim compensation. Under existing law, any cancers that turn up more than 10 years after an accident cannot be compensated; the new version would give victims 30 years. However, research on survivors from Hiroshima and Nagasaki shows radiation-induced cancers even 60 years after their exposure.

Mr. Harper’s generosity with nuclear accident victims knows other bounds, too. When the original Nuclear Liability Act was passed in 1970, damage compensation was limited to $75-million – about $415-million in today’s currency. The new liability limit is $650-million. But in the 1970s, Canada’s nuclear neighbourhoods had many fewer inhabitants. For example, Pickering, which now hosts six working reactors and two retired ones, had a population of 24,800 when its municipal boundaries were set in 1974. It was 94,700 last year. Each Pickering resident’s liability coverage has shrunk to about 40 per cent of what it was in 1974 – if their community was contaminated by an accident, the new liability limit would be exhausted after paying out 10 cents per dollar of dwelling value, leaving no coverage for household contents, commercial property, disruption, lost income, injuries or death.

Nor would nuclear neighbours get any help from their own insurance, since all homeowner’s and renter’s policies contain a nuclear exclusion clause. There is no disagreement among professional risk experts on this one issue – the insurance and nuclear industries agree that the risk of a reactor accident is just too scary to bear without special protection.

The new law, like the old, gives the federal government the right to provide additional compensation to victims if it sees fit. Unlike the old law, the new law would require the government to consider updating the liability ceiling for nuclear operators every five years.

All nuclear countries provide similar liability shields for their nuclear industries by curtailing property rights. In fact, lobbying for this protection from the consequences of accidents was one of the global nuclear industry’s original reasons for developing national and international lobby groups, such as the Canadian Nuclear Association.

Liability protection for any potentially catastrophic activity or industry is a terrible idea that encourages risk-taking and irresponsibility. When society faces a large number of small accidents (automobile collisions, for instance), an argument can be made that no-fault schemes save enough in legal costs and court time to justify limits on individual responsibility. But nuclear catastrophes are rare, and increasing the pain of causing one must surely be more important than keeping the determination of fault out of the courts. Getting prompt interim relief to victims of nuclear catastrophes, before the courts determine fault, is a worthwhile government mandate, but there’s no reason to link it to the issue of legal responsibility.

Instead of updating the nuclear industry’s special legal shield from the consequences of its actions, Mr. Harper’s government should eliminate all the liability-limiting aspects of the law, intervening only to provide prompt interim relief to victims, and to ensure that all the companies in the industry or their insurers have deep enough pockets – enough to lose – so they can provide adequate compensation and face a disincentive to irresponsible behaviour. If Canadians must live in front of nuclear reactors, then nuclear vendors and operators must be required to stand behind them.

Tom Adams is executive director of Energy Probe.

 

Posted in Nuclear Safety | Leave a comment

Climate change debate

Two recent FP Comment columns make the case that Canada should have no policies to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

Lawrence Solomon argues that eliminating government subsidies throughout our economy would reduce energy use enough to reduce our GHG emissions.

Terrence Corcoran argues (as I do) that the Canadian policy reliance on subsidies and information to reduce GHG emissions has been ineffective, but he disagrees with my policy alternative – a gradually rising emissions tax or a gradually tightening emissions regulation over the next few decades. He argues that the best government strategy for the time being is to follow Mr. Solomon’s advice and do nothing but cut government subsidies throughout the economy, while waiting to see if a future Isaac Newton will prove definitively that human activity is changing the climate.

These entertaining columns provide useful challenges to conventional thinking. But they also have some critical challenges themselves.

Mr. Solomon provides no numerical estimates for the GHG emissions reductions that would result from an end to government subsidies, but this can be roughly calculated. The economy in Canada and globally is driven by the use of fossil fuels. The easiest way to get energy from fossil fuels is to burn them, which produces carbon dioxide, the most important GHG emission. If we removed subsidies in our economy, would people combust fewer fossil fuels and emit less carbon dioxide?

The likely answer is that there would be little change. First, it is unlikely we would replace fossil fuels with alternative sources of energy because we also subsidize nuclear power, hydro power, and other renewables such as wind and biomass. Production cost data (with subsidies removed) indicate that fossil fuels would remain the fuel of choice for Canada and the planet.

Second, it is also unlikely we would use much less energy. If we remove the subsidies, we would presumably also remove the taxes we collect from fossil fuels. Refined products such as gasoline are the most heavily taxed commodities in our economy. Even if we kept high taxes on fossil fuel consumption, research shows that people place a high value on the services they get from energy and would continue to consume large amounts.

Mr. Corcoran inadvertently supports this point when he argues that raising energy taxes will not significantly curb consumption, citing recent oil price increases in support. But if energy price increases because of tight market conditions will have little downward effect on demand, why would comparable energy price increases because of subsidy removal have a downward effect?

Both Mr. Solomon and Mr. Corcoran focus on our use of energy as the issue when it comes to the risk of climate change. Herein lies the problem. The risk of climate change is an environmental concern related in large part to how we use energy, not to how much we use. If carbon dioxide emissions are causing detrimental climate change, this is a market failure that requires some action by government – provided the benefits of such action are likely to exceed the costs.

Mr. Corcoran critiques my policies for reducing GHG emissions by saying they will lead to higher energy prices with little affect on energy use. I agree that there will be little effect on energy use. Again, the important issue is the effect on emissions.

Industry leaders, governments and increasingly the environmental community are beginning to recognize that we can use fossil fuels without emitting GHGs and without significantly higher energy prices. In my book, Sustainable Fossil Fuels, I summarize the evidence from industry and independent researchers showing that policies that constrain GHG emissions by financial penalty or regulation would motivate the electricity industry (to take one sector as an example) to shift over the next few decades toward zero-emission generation of electricity using coal, natural gas and perhaps other fossil fuels (in addition to more nuclear and renewables). The price of electricity over this period would rise by less than 1% per year with prices in 50 years no more than 25% to 50% higher than today. Electricity use won’t fall appreciably. But emissions will.

Mr. Corcoran refers to these as "get -tough policies." But how tough are electricity price increases of about 10% over the next 10 years as we learn more about the climate change risk? Taking the case of automobiles, industry data suggest that the California vehicle emission standard of 1990, which resulted in today’s hybrid car and advanced the development of fuel cell vehicles, raised the selling price of vehicles everywhere by perhaps $20 to $50 (to pay for research, development and marketing of low emissions cars). Compare this to an average selling price of over $20,000.

Allowing ourselves to continue installing new long-lived equipment, factories and infrastructure that uses fossil fuels and emits GHGs, even though we know that for a reasonable cost we could begin to shift these investments toward zero emission technologies, is tantamount to saying that we are absolutely certain we are not changing the climate. But since we are uncertain, as Mr. Corcoran admits, we should approach the issue in the same way that businesses approach risks in their daily decisions.

A business leader cannot afford to say, "I will only make this risk reduction expenditure if every one of my safety engineers is absolutely certain that a hideous accident will otherwise occur." Likewise, humanity cannot say, "We will only incur costs to reduce climate change effects or their probability when we are certain the effects will be devastating and that their probability is 100%." This is no way to run a business – or a planet.

Mark Jaccard is professor of resource and environmental management at Simon Fraser University and author of Sustainable Fossil Fuels: The Unusual Suspect in the Quest for Clean and Enduring Energy.

 


 

Larry Solomon responds

A true believer in government

by Lawrence Solomon, National Post, June 10, 2006

Academics, policymakers and regulators can succumb to fads as easily as anyone. Honourable people admit their mistakes and move on, and hopefully learn from their experiences.

Marc Jaccard is such an honourable person, but he hasn’t learned from his mistakes. He still strives to correct "market failures," not recognizing that they seem always to occur in government-dominated sectors and because of government intervention. He still tries to use government to influence energy consumption, although he realizes government has often done more harm than good. He still ignores data from those whose viewpoints don’t correspond to his, all the while deploring their absence of data.

In the 1990s, Mr. Jaccard was in thrall to one of the biggest and wonkiest fads going in the energy game, demand side management. If you don’t know what this jargon means, you have nevertheless seen it in action and probably participated in it, to doubtful outcome. A DSM program gave you those energy-efficient lightbulbs or water-saving showerheads that now clutter your basement storeroom.

A DSM program provided the subsidy that convinced you to buy a new energy efficient fridge, expecting you to throw out your old fridge and save society some energy. Only your old fridge ended up in your garage as a beer fridge, and you now have two fridges, consuming more electricity than before.

If you lived in British Columbia, DSM came to you courtesy of Mr. Jaccard. As chair of the British Columbia Utilities Commission, he became one of the country’s leading exponents of DSM programs, and, because he could also impose his policies on society, waste was the outcome. In this he was not alone – the great majority of energy experts were then caught up in the DSM mania, disregarding the relatively few dispassionate voices that argued otherwise (I am proud that Tom Adams, my colleague at Energy Probe, was among the very first, in 1990, to expose the sham of DSM programs).

To his credit, Mr. Jaccard has seen the light. Now, along with most of the best brains in the energy business, he realizes just how dim DSM can be, and himself exposes it. He doubtless wonders how he could have been taken in by programs that proved so spectacularly wrong, and how he could have ignored so much evidence from the Tom Adamses of the world that proved so spectacularly right, particularly when the evidence was submitted directly to him in his capacity as BC’s electricity regulator.

Yet although Mr. Jaccard has seen what grief comes of following the herd, he is again ignoring incontrovertible evidence from impeccable sources, this time over greenhouse gas reduction, the gargantuan new rage among energy analysts.

In his response to columns by Terence Corcoran and me on the best way to deal with the greenhouse gas issue, Mr. Jaccard once more sees evidence of "market failure" in a market dominated by government intervention, once more selectively sees the data he’d like to see and blinds himself to the rest, including facts and the data from impeccable sources.

Take David Pimentel, whose data I cited in my column. Mr. Pimentel is the leading critic of ethanol production, the chief government program that promotes an alternative to gasoline. Mr. Pimentel could not have better credentials. This Oxford, MIT, and Cornell-educated agricultural scientist helped establish the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, he has been chairman of the Environmental Studies Board in the National Academy of Sciences, he has served on 12 of their distinguished panels, and he is the former chair of a U.S. Department of Energy panel that investigated the efficiency of ethanol production. His more recent ethanol findings have been published in the authoritative Encyclopedia of Physical Sciences and Technology.

Yet Mr. Jaccard, in criticizing my column, shows no interest in Pimentel’s data, acting as if I hadn’t even presented data.

"Every time you make one gallon of ethanol, there is a net energy loss of 54,000 BTUs," Mr. Pimentel calculates for the U.S. market (in Canada, where ethanol crops have a lower energy yield, the loss would be greater). In the real world, this energy loss leads to more tar sands, Arctic pipelines, and coal plants, and thus to more carbon dioxide.

In the world Mr. Jaccard inhabits, wasteful government policies that inefficiently increase fossil fuel use are of little account because, in the next 50 years, his pet technology will become economically viable and rampant energy use will fade in importance.

Mr. Jaccard asserts that government penalties, properly applied, will motivate industry over the coming decades to invent zero-emission coal-burning technology at a cost that is a mere 25% to 50% more than today.

While he peers into his crystal ball, he criticizes Mr. Corcoran as fanciful for thinking that inventions will continue to occur without government prodding. Mr. Jaccard also believes energy costs should rise, although the history of the world shows the costs of energy (as well as every other major resource) to consistently decrease while becoming ever cleaner.

Only a true believer could share Mr. Jaccard’s faith that the future should depart so dramatically from the past, and that government will in future do so much right where before it has done so much wrong.

If the world were run on a businesslike basis, Mr. Jaccard claims, it would protect itself against a possible calamity such as global warming. This analogy, though often recited, is always wrong. No CEOs would sign blank cheques to avoid undefined risks for undefinable benefits centuries into the future, especially when the governments that would be charged with mitigating the risks had a proven track record of making matters worse.

Posted in Climate Change | Leave a comment

Climate change by Jupiter – Part XXXVIII

Lawrence Solomon
Financial Post
November 10, 2007

The alignment of the planets, and especially that of Jupiter and Saturn, control the climate on Earth.

So explained Rhodes Fairbridge of Columbia University, a giant in science over much of the last century whose accomplishments are perhaps unsurpassed for their breadth, depth, and volume. This one man authored or co-authored 100 scientific books and more than 1,000 scientific papers, he edited the Benchmarks in Geology series (more than 90 volumes in print) and was general editor of the Encyclopaedias of the Earth Sciences. He edited eight major encyclopedias of specialized scientific papers in the atmospheric sciences and astrogeology; geomorphology; geochemistry and the earth sciences; geology, sedimentology, paleontology, oceanography and, not least, climatology.

Changes in sunspots and other solar activity, scientists have realized for more than two centuries, correlate closely with the climate of Earth, explaining the ice ages and periods of great warming. But what, Dr. Fairbridge wondered, causes these changes in our sun?

The answer, he discovered with the help of NASA and the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, lies largely in the solar system’s centre of gravity. At times, the sun is at the solar system’s centre of gravity. Most often, this is not the case– the orbit of the planets will align planets to one side or another of the sun. Jupiter, the planet with by far the largest mass, most influences the solar system’s centre of gravity. When Uranus, Neptune and especially Saturn — the next largest planet — join Jupiter on one side of the solar system, the solar system’s centre of gravity shifts well beyond the sun.

The sun’s own orbit, he found, has eight characteristic patterns, all determined by Jupiter’s position relative to Saturn, with the other planets playing much lesser roles. Some of these eight have orderly orbits, smooth and near-circular. During such orbits, solar activity is high and Earth heats up. Some of the eight orbits are chaotic, taking a loop-the-loop path. These orbits correspond to quiet times for the sun, and cool periods on Earth. Every 179 years or so, the sun embarks on a new cycle of orbits. One of the cooler periods in recent centuries was the Little Ice Age of the 17th century, when the Thames River in London froze over each winter. The next cool period, if the pattern holds, began in 1996, with the effects to be felt starting in 2010. Some predict three decades of severe cold.

Temperatures on Earth are but one consequence of these periodic and predictable celestial movements. Others, Dr. Fairbridge has shown, are seen everywhere on Earth: in the various and differing periodicities in rocks, glaciers, sand dunes and the circulation of the ocean; geomagnetic records; the records of the isotopes of carbon, oxygen, and hydrogen in tree rings, ice cores, air and water. They are the periodicities of climate change.

Dr. Fairbridge’s best-known periodicity, which he developed in the 1950s, hypothesized that sea levels had been rising for the last 16,000 years, during which there were periodic oscillations of rise and fall. The Fairbridge curve describing this period — so named in derision because it offended the conventional wisdom – is now widely accepted. It demonstrates that, even within the past 1,000 years, sea levels have several times changed by up to two metres, and suddenly — each of these large changes occurred in fewer than 40 years.

Dr. Fairbridge’s broader climate change claims — that celestial changes control Earth’s temperatures — remain controversial, but less so than they were decades ago, when his was a relatively lone voice. Solar scientists with increasing regularity are publishing data establishing celestial origins to climate change on Earth. Dr. Fairbridge saw his Fairbridgecurve theories vindicated, but he won’t his celestial claims. This most remarkable individual died a year ago this week, at age 92. – Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and the Urban Renaissance Institute. www.urban-renaissance.org

—

CV OF A DENIER

Rhodes Fairbridge, an early expert on climate change, was a professor of geology at Columbia. He received an undergraduate degree from Queen’s University in Ontario and a master’s degree from the University of Oxford. He was awarded a doctorate of science by the University of Western Australia in 1944 at the age of 30, bypassing the usual PhD prerequisite. During the Second World War, Dr. Fairbridge also served with the Royal Australian Air Force in U.S. General Douglas MacArthur’s headquarters as deputy director of intelligence.

Posted in Energy Probe News, The Deniers | Leave a comment

Why melting of ice sheets ‘is impossible’ Deniers part XXXVII

Larry Solomon
Financial Post
November 7, 2007

‘Big Thaw,’ a summertime spectacular in National Geographic magazine, provided awesome scenes of climate-change catastrophes.

The glaciers are melting. The ice sheets are melting. They’re sliding rapidly out to sea. More rapidly than anyone imagined. Look for the ice sheets to collapse. Look for sea levels to rise. Etc. Etc.

National Geographic’s breathless account, brilliantly illustrated with the stunning photography for which it is famous, won headlines around the world. It has been dramatized and magnified on nightly newscasts and blogs alike, and has become a staple in the popular imagination.

But it won’t happen, says Prof. Cliff Ollier of the University of Western Australia. “Rapid melting of the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets is impossible.”

The National Geographic descriptions, on their face, seem plausible. “Ice seems rock hard when you crunch an ice cube or slip on a frozen puddle. But when piled in a great mass, ice oozes like slow, cold taffy,” the article explained. “On Greenland, it flows outward from the heart of the ice sheet, a dome of ice the size of the Gulf of Mexico … Four miles [six kilometres] wide and several thousand feet thick, Jakobshavn is an icy Amazon, disgorging more ice than any other Greenland glacier.”

The article described fast-flowing glaciers such as Greenland’s Jakobshavn. “In the past decade it doubled its speed, to roughly 120 feet [37 meters] a day. By now it discharges 11 cubic miles [45 cubic kilometres] of ice each year, jamming the fjord with fresh icebergs. As a result, Greenland lost 54 cubic miles of ice in 2005, more than twice as much as 10 years ago–“and more than some scientists were prepared to believe.”

More alarmingly, the article reports that Greenland’s ice sheet is starting to stir — satellites have detected a weakening of Greenland’s gravity –and that the same stirring may be occurring in Antarctica. The article describes a thinning Antarctic ice plain “of dead-flat ice” that in the next decade will be thin enough to float free.

“Once that happens and the ocean intrudes, a chain reaction of collapse could follow,” the National Geographic article continues. “The bed is very deep and flat for the next 150 miles inland, so an enormous fjord would be created in the ice … That would put the nail in the coffin — it would go on accelerating, retreating, and drain a lot of that part of West Antarctica.”

All this, Prof. Ollier explains, is nonsense. The scenarios raised in the National Geographic article stem from models divorced from the real world. They rely on imaginary glaciers and ice sheets — not on the actual formations that exist in Greenland and Antarctica — and demonstrate no understanding of how glaciers flow.

As one example, the models rely “on the concept of an ice sheet sliding down an inclined plane on a base lubricated by meltwater, which is itself increasing because of global warming,” Prof. Ollier explains. “In reality, the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets occupy deep basins, and cannot slide down a plane.”

Ice sheets, which can extend to a depth of several kilometres below the surface, can melt at their base — the warmest part of the ice sheet, due to the heat of the Earth. The drilling of ice cores, revealing complete records of depositions over periods of hundreds of thousands of years, show that the ice sheets have accumulated without melting, even when temperatures have been warmer than now.

“Ice sheets do not melt from the surface down — only at the edges,” Prof. Ollier explains. The modellers’ mechanism that has “meltwater lakes on the surface finding their way down through cracks in the ice and lubricating the bottom of the glacier is not compatible with accumulation of undisturbed snow layers.”

In truth, the rate of ice flow now seen in the polar regions does not depend on the present climate, but on the accumulation of ice that occurred in the distant past. Neither is today’s warming extraordinary: “Arctic explorers used to get their ships a lot closer to northern Green-land than you could now,” he explains.

The records “do not fit the model of surface melting, even infrequently. After three-quarters of a million years of documented continuous accumulation, how can we believe that right now the world’s ice sheets are collapsing!” ‘The Big Thaw’ is a Big Saw.

— – Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and the Urban Renaissance Institute. www.urban-renaissance.org

CV OF A DENIER:

Dr. Cliff Ollier, a geologist, geomorphologist and soil scientist, is emeritus professor and honorary research fellow, University of Western Australia. He has authored or co-authored more than 500 publications, mostly in world-class journals, and 10 books, including the widely acclaimed Tectonics and Landforms and The Origin of Mountains. He received his doctorate from Bristol University.

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IPCC too blinkered and corrupt to save

Lawrence Solomon
Financial Post
October 26, 2007

Vincent Gray has begun a second career as a climate-change activist. His motivation springs from the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, a body that combats global warming by advocating the reduction of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. Dr. Gray has worked relentlessly for the IPCC as an expert reviewer since the early 1990s.

But Dr. Gray isn’t an activist in the cause of enforcing the Kyoto Protocol and realizing the other goals of the worldwide IPCC process. To the contrary, Dr. Gray’s mission, in his new role as cofounder of The New Zealand Climate Science Coalition, is to stop the IPCC from spreading climate-change propaganda that undermines the integrity of science.

“The whole process is a swindle,” he states, in large part because the IPCC has a blinkered mandate that excludes natural causes of global warming.

” The Framework Convention on Climate Change (FCCC) 1992 defined ‘climate change’ as changes in climate caused by human interference with atmospheric composition,” he explains. “The task of the IPCC, therefore, has been to accumulate evidence to support this belief that all changes in the climate are caused by human interference with the atmosphere. Studies of natural climate change have largely been used to claim that these are negligible compared with ‘climate change.’ ”

Dr. Gray is one of the 2,000 to 2,500 top scientists from around the world whom the IPCC often cites as forming the basis of its findings. No one has been a more faithful reviewer than Dr. Gray over the years — he has been an IPCC expert almost from the start, and perhaps its most prolific contributor, logging almost 1,900 comments on the IPCC’s final draft of its most recent report alone.

But Dr. Gray, who knows as much about the IPCC’s review processes as anyone, has been troubled by what he sees as an appalling absence of scientific rigour in the IPCC’s review process.

“Right from the beginning, I have had difficulty with this procedure. Penetrating questions often ended without any answer. Comments on the IPCC drafts were rejected without explanation, and attempts to pursue the matter were frustrated indefinitely.

“Over the years, as I have learned more about the data and procedures of the IPCC, I have found increasing opposition by them to providing explanations, until I have been forced to the conclusion that for significant parts of the work of the IPCC, the data collection and scientific methods employed are unsound. Resistance to all efforts to try and discuss or rectify these problems has convinced me that normal scientific procedures are not only rejected by the IPCC, but that this practice is endemic, and was part of the organization from the very beginning.”

Dr. Gray has detailed extensively the areas in which global warming science falls down. One example that this New Zealander provides comes from his region of the globe: “We are told that the sea level is rising and will soon swamp all of our cities. Everybody knows that the Pacific island of Tuvalu is sinking. Al Gore told us that the inhabitants are invading New Zealand because of it.

“Around 1990 it became obvious that the local tide-gauge did not agree — there was no evidence of ‘sinking.’ So scientists at Flinders University, Adelaide, were asked to check whether this was true. They set up new, modern, tide-gauges in 12 Pacific islands, including Tuvalu, confident that they would show that all of them are sinking.

“Recently, the whole project was abandoned as there was no sign of a change in sea level at any of the 12 islands for the past 16 years. In 2006, Tuvalu even rose.”

Other expert reviewers at the IPCC, and scientists elsewhere around the globe, share Dr. Gray’s alarm at the conduct of the IPCC. An effort by academics is now underway to reform this UN organization, and have it follow established scientific norms. Dr. Gray was asked to endorse this reform effort, but he refused, saying: “The IPCC is fundamentally corrupt. The only ‘reform’ I could envisage would be its abolition.”

— – Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and the Urban Renaissance Institute.

www.urban-renaissance.org

CV OF A DENIER:

Vincent Gray is a graduate of the University of Cambridge, with a PhD in physical chemistry. He has published more than 100 scientific papers and authored the book, The Greenhouse Delusion: A Critique of ‘Climate Change 2001.’

Dr. Gray has participated in all of the science reviews of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and in 2006 was a visiting scholar at the Beijing Climate Center.

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Inconventient Truth court case forces teachers to highlight film’s inaccuracies and biases

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
October 11, 2007

Should children become tools of propagandists, their schools able to serve as indoctrination centres that teach students to parrot the views of the powers-that-be rather than think for themselves?

In the UK, where school standards are arguably more stringent than in North America and such abuses proscribed by law, one determined parent took the education system to task over Al Gore’s climate change film, An Inconvenient Truth, which was widely distributed through the schools. Last week, the verdict came in. In an interim decision, the British High Court ruled that such partisan works cannot be presented in schools without identifying them for what they are. Teachers who mislead their pupils into thinking that Gore’s film accurately represents the science of global warming are in violation of the “Political indoctrination” section of the country’s Education Act of 1996, which explicitly requires that “The local education authority, governing body and head teacher shall forbid … the promotion of partisan political views in the teaching of any subject in the school.”

The UK school system is not alone in distributing An Inconvenient Truth widely. In Canada, Australia, Spain and many parts of the U.S., this film has been formally and informally incorporated into school curricula by teachers and school administrators intent on fostering the conventional wisdom on global warming. In the U.K., the Labour government’s push to promote a political global warming agenda came from two government ministries, the Department of Education and Skills and the Department of Environment Food and Rural Affairs, which distributed Gore’s film to all 3,385 secondary schools in England.

As the government’s education secretary stated in a February press release announcing the distribution, “influencing the opinions of children is crucial to developing a long-term view on the environment among the public. Children are the key to changing society’s long-term attitudes to the environment. Not only are they passionate about saving the planet but children also have a big influence over their own families’ lifestyles and behaviour.” The environment minister, meanwhile, discouraged any questioning by young minds: “The debate over the science of climate change is well and truly over, as demonstrated by the publication of the report by the IPCC [the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change],” he stated.

Such explicit government admissions of an intent to indoctrinate children with material that they were encouraged to unquestioningly accept, and to exploit children to in turn sway their families, doubtless influenced the High Court judge in making his determination. To limit further damage to children during the time required to formally write his decision, he instructed the government to mend its ways at once.

For the film to be lawfully shown in school, the court ruled, government must issue Guidance Notes to Teachers that describe the film as a political work that promotes only one side of the argument. The court further ruled that the government must advise teachers who present the film without making its political nature plain that they may be in breach of section 406 of the Education Act and guilty of political indoctrination. Eleven inaccuracies needed to be specifically drawn to the attention of school children.

The 11 inaccuracies that the court found are not quibbles. They represent the film’s most spectacular claims about the dangers of global warming, and form the very basis of the film. Were the film to be edited to have these inaccuracies removed, in fact, vanishingly little would be left.

  1. The film claims that melting snows on Mount Kilimanjaro demonstrate global warming. The government’s expert was forced to concede that this is not correct.
  2. The film suggests that evidence from ice cores proves that rising CO2 caused temperature increases over 650,000 years. The court found that the film was misleading: Over that period, the rises in CO2 lagged behind the temperature rises by 800-2000 years.
  3. The film uses emotive images of Hurricane Katrina, which it suggests was caused by global warming. The government’s expert had to accept that it was “not possible” to attribute one-off events to global warming.
  4. The film attributes the drying up of Lake Chad to global warming. The government’s expert had to accept that this was not the case.
  5. The film claims that a study showed that polar bears had drowned due to disappearing Arctic ice. It turned out that Gore had misread the study: In fact, four polar bears drowned because of a particularly violent storm.
  6. The film threatens that global warming could stop the Gulf Stream, throwing Europe into an ice age. The claimant’s evidence was that this was a scientific impossibility.
  7. The film blames global warming for species losses, including coral reef bleaching. The government could not find any evidence to support this claim.
  8. The film suggests that the Greenland ice covering could melt, causing sea levels to rise dangerously. The evidence is that Greenland will not melt for millennia.
  9. The film suggests that the Antarctic ice covering is melting. The evidence was that it is in fact increasing.
  10. The film suggests that sea levels could rise by seven metres, causing the displacement of millions of people. In fact, the evidence is that sea levels are expected to rise by about 40cm over the next hundred years, and that there is no such threat of massive migration.
  11. The film claims that rising sea levels have caused the evacuation of certain Pacific islands to New Zealand. The government was unable to substantiate this claim and the court observed that this appears to be a false claim.

The judge’s final decision is expected within the week. It promises to change how and what students are taught, and to empower teachers and students alike who choose to think for themselves. In classrooms in Canada and elsewhere around the world, meantime, our children are not empowered to question the conventional wisdom on climate change, and teachers continue to show An Inconvenient Truth without any guidance to the children in their charge.

Sources,

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The U.K. miracle

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
September 26, 2007

In Canada, our electricity systems operate like little islands, isolated from the world around them, oblivious to innovation and insulated from the real economy by regulators that administer prices.. Our horizons extend as far as our power monopolies, and their government masters, permit.

The United Kingdom, in contrast, is no island. It is plugged into the real world, for better or worse. As it turns out, the real world has generally been, and remains, the better place to be.

Electricity prices are dropping in the United Kingdom, and have been all year. British Gas – last year one of the country’s priciest providers – cut its gas prices 17% and its electricity prices 11% in March and saw 900,000 customers switch to it by May. Not satisfied, it cut electricity prices another 6% in June, making it now one of the United Kingdom’s least-expensive power providers.

Among the other major power companies, Powergen and Scottish and Southern Electric dropped power prices by 5%, while Npower dropped them by 3%. The cuts are not about to end, despite foot-dragging from private companies reluctant to part with their profits. With new gas supplies from the North Sea, Belgium and elsewhere beginning to flood into the U.K. market, the downward pressure on prices is expected to last until 2012.

The United Kingdom’s independent regulator, Ofgem, has been helping prices drop, not by imposing regulatory power but by urging consumers to switch to energy suppliers providing better prices.

“Our research shows that a big price gap has opened up, leaving EDF Energy and Scottish Power customers paying over £100 [$203] a year more for their energy for remaining loyal,” Ofgem’s chief executive announced in June. “Competition is all about customer power – any supplier that tries to buck the market by not lowering their prices or failing on service risks an exodus of customers.”

Until recently, with energy prices worldwide spiking and the United Kingdom subject to market forces, power prices in the United Kingdom saw several years of dramatic price spikes. But for the most part, the trend has been down, starting with the breakup of the United Kingdom’s state electricity monopoly in 1990.

Prices fell almost immediately, first for the residential consumers and small businesses that had been especially gouged by the government-owned system, then for large industries as well. Thanks to competition, a decade after the monopoly breakup and privatization, residential customers were not only paying far less for their power than they had under government ownership, the power was safer, cleaner and more reliable, too.

Numerous nuclear power and coal-fired generating plants had been shut down and replaced by cheaper, cleaner alternatives, and – under the enlightened rule-setting of the country’s independent regulator – blackouts and other service disruptions became rare events.

A study 15 years after the power system became clean, efficient and competitive found that cumulative cost savings amounted to some £18-billion. Prices for residential, commercial and industrial customers in the United Kingdom – after accounting for inflation – dropped by 25% to 35% since privatization, with residential customers being particular winners.

Those savings continue, thanks to the world’s most competitive power market. Unlike Canada, where customers are captive to their local provider – typically government monopolies with names like Toronto Hydro or New Brunswick Power – customers in the United Kingdom can choose from more than 70 licensed retailers, each with numerous different offerings. All told, each homeowner has several thousand different options in purchasing power, each option seeking an advantage by servicing one niche or another, each having the effect of finding efficiencies in the system that deliver some better combination of service and price.

U.K. customers can have their power metered or not, in different shades of green or not, bundled with gas or other services or not, at guaranteed prices or not, financed through different payment plans or not. They can also shop for better prices, or not, either online, or not, or they can take the advice of environmental organizations such as Friends of the Earth, who do a brisk business directing their supporters to energy decisions that please them both.

The retailers to these numerous niche markets, in turn, seek out suppliers who can best meet their customers’ particular needs. Far from being passive middlemen, they seek out generators with which to trade, often smaller ones or on-site generators that large monopolies would never consider approaching. These retailers also encourage new entrants into generation – companies not normally in the energy business that can provide power when and where they need it, for example, or farmers or other individuals that have well-situated, untapped resources. The relentless pressure to find and serve niche markets has made the United Kingdom the world’s most competitive and decentralized electricity system, providing power customers with previously unheard-of choice.

In one area, however, power customers in the United Kingdom do not have choice: climate change. By government decree, U.K. consumers pay four separate taxes – transparent to all – in order to meet the government’s policy for combating global warming. The “renewables obligation” now adds £7 per year (rising to £20 by 2015) to electricity bills in order to encourage wind and other sources of renewable energy. A further £5.50 is spent on beefing up power networks to make them reliable for renewable energy. The “energy-efficient commitment” costs another £9 per year. And emissions trading adds an amount that varies with the European Emissions markets that have been created.

These explicit and transparent environmental policies, which Canadian environmentalists can only dream of in our moribund monopolized systems, are also a fruit of competition and decentralization. Under the old government-run monopoly in the United Kingdom, as with the continuing government-run monopolies in Canada, government and business were in bed with each other, and the power systems were run chiefly for the benefit of big industry. Subsidies abounded, but they were neither transparent nor provided for causes that had public support – they were hidden subsidies to the country’s biggest polluters provided via uneconomic coal and nuclear plants, the country’s most polluting.

The miracle is that, even loaded with all these environmental charges, the U.K. system today delivers power at lower prices than those that came of the old-style monopoly. It is the miracle of competition.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and Urban Renaissance Institute.

 

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The Deniers, Part XXXIV: The hot trend is cool yachts

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
September 8, 2007

To save the planet from global warming − a looming catastrophe many believe we can no longer prevent − could require that China stop building the equivalent of a new 1000 megawatt coal plant every five days, and India the same equivalent every two weeks. It could also require that the rest of the developing world slows its economic growth, for the good of humanity. And it could require us, in the rich countries, to dramatically curtail our air and auto travel, and other greenhouse gas producing activities, even if it means plunging ourselves into recession if not depression.

Or, stopping global warming could require sailing a fleet of 50 globe-cooling yachts on the high seas. To Stephen Salter, emeritus professor of engineering design at the University of Edinburgh and the inventor of the cool yachts, there is but one credible course to take, and informed scientists know it. Earlier this week at a climate debate sponsored by the Royal Meteorological Society, “I asked for a show of hands about whether official proposals for CO2 reductions could do enough to stop global warming in time,” he explained. “Not one of 300 people with professional interest in the field raised a hand.”

In contrast to the utter futility of attempting to quickly refashion the global economy into a carbon-lean machine, Prof. Salter’s machine provides realistic hope. Low-level stratocumulus clouds blanket about one-quarter of the world’s ocean surface, cooling the waters below by reflecting the sun’s rays back into space. Brightening those clouds with sea salt to increase their reflectivity by a mere 3%, atmospheric scientists calculate, would provide sufficient additional cooling to counteract the warming effect caused by increased CO2 in the atmosphere. The sea salt would be delivered via fine sprays of ocean waters from Prof. Salter’s yachts.

The amount of salt water required to cool the planet is surprisingly small − 50 ships, each pumping salt water at the rate of 10 kilograms per second to produce tiny droplets, could suffice. The tiny droplets evaporate to leave salt residues, which are then distributed by the winds to seed the clouds. In an attempt to waste not a droplet, the yachts − unmanned and controlled by satellite − would continually roam the oceans, positioning themselves where cloud conditions were optimal and the need for cooling was greatest.

The scheme seems fanciful and implausible, but not to many scientists immersed in the climate change field. Eminent scientist John Latham at the U.S. National Center for Atmospheric Research, who first proposed cloud-seeding to cool the planet in a 1990 Nature article, is Prof. Salter’s enthusiastic collaborator in the venture. Scientists at NASA, Brookhaven, the U.K.’s Royal Meteorological Society and other prominent agencies likewise see promise in the cloud-seeding concept. It is Prof. Salter’s own track record, however, that dispels any notion that the cool yachts are more fantasy than fantastic.

He is known as one of Scotland’s greatest inventors, and as the father of modern wave energy technology, which is now being introduced in countries throughout Europe. His digital hydraulics may revolutionize windmills and automobiles. Among his many other presciences, in 1968 he invented the touch computer screen. The wind-powered yacht with its odd rotor sails is not his, however, and is also not new. This 1920s invention, by Germany’s Anton Flettner, was an unusually stable commercial ship that crossed the Atlantic, out-sailing normal schooners under moderate to heavy winds.

Prof. Salter’s cool yachts do have one major design flaw: They promise to save the planet for a pittance, and without making humans pay a dear price for their profligate ways. Fifty ships a year, built at a cost of some $400-million to $500-million, would remove the increased warming now attributed to all the fossil fuel burning. They would also provide the time required for an orderly transition to economies based on renewable fuels − the passion of Prof. Salter’s professional life.

For reasons that would be unfathomable to many, environmentalists at Greenpeace and elsewhere have emerged as critics of the cool yachts, dismissing them out of hand as wacky inventions “that in all likelihood would come to nothing” and saying: “We’re looking for reductions in the use of fossil fuels rather than these technologies.”

A more important critic, because it holds the purse strings, is the U.K. Environment Ministry, responsible for abating global warming. It has been doing its best to trim Prof. Salter’s sails. The technology that Prof. Salter proposes is not yet soundly proven, it says, refusing to provide the $5-million in funds required to soundly prove it. The technology could lead to increased rainfall over the oceans, it says, without saying why this poses a problem comparable to that of global warming. The EU has committed to carbon trading as a means of countering global warming, it says, without acknowledging that carbon trading has failed to slow the increase in carbon dioxide. Marine animals could be affected by the technology, it says, as if the consequences of global warming would not affect them. An environmental assessment of the effects of spraying salt water into the air is required, it says, while dismissing Prof. Salter’s detailed proposal for conducting one.

The public might not like the yachts, the Environment Ministry also says, when it really fears that the public might like them too much.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and the Urban Renaissance Institute.

CV OF A DENIER

Prof. Stephen Salter, emeritus professor of engineering design at the School of Engineering and Electronics at the University of Edinburgh, is “one of the finest engineers that Scotland has produced,” according to Alex Salmond, Scotland’s First Minister. Prof. Salter is an authority on energy matters in general and renewable energy in particular. He is best known for his pioneering work to harness wave energy, which he begun in the 1970s in response to the OPEC oil crisis. His invention, Salter’s Duck, is the machine against which all others are measured. In small-scale controlled tests, the Duck can stop 90% of wave motion and can convert 90% of that to electricity. Cambridge-trained, Prof. Salter is a fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, the inventor of numerous technologies, and the author or co-author of numerous papers.

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