False hope for global unity

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
October 31, 2008

My American friends believe that, after Barack Obama becomes president, America will once again be loved around the world. They are wishful thinkers.

Anti-Americanism didn’t begin with George Bush and it won’t end with an Obama presidency. With rare exceptions, America has always inspired hatred and contempt, and for reasons that aren’t about to go away. Those who expect America’s haters to convert on November 4 need to get out more.

I first noticed anti-Americanism abroad as a teen from Canada living in Paris in 1967 – Americans were commonly held in contempt in the 5th Republic of Charles De Gaulle (1958-69), who glorified France by slurring the U.S., and who explicitly sought to undermine U.S. stature in the world. As was popular among French intellectuals, De Gaulle decried America’s “arrogance of power” and its soulless materialism.

Then I noticed anti-Americanism in a trip around the world in 1973, and so did the many Americans I crossed paths with in youth hostels and cafes. Their backpacks could be counted on to display the Canadian flag, the better to avoid unpleasantries (German youths, reviled for their country’s Nazi past, sported backpacks with Swiss flags). All told, I have visited some 60 countries over the last 40 years. With the general exception of the then-Communist countries, the sentiment – at least among the reform-minded people I tended to associate with – was overwhelmingly anti-American.

The bitter criticisms of the U.S. often confused me. Anil Agarwal, a prominent environmentalist (now-deceased) from India for whom I had the greatest respect, decried the “Coca Cola-ization” of the Third World (this was circa 1980 – today we would call this “globalization”). You can visit the poorest, most remote village, he lamented, and you will see Coca Cola signs, and people drinking Coca Cola, despite the expense.

But why blame Coca Cola or America?, I asked, particularly perplexed because Anil was inspired by the villager’s knowledge and resourcefulness, and was an outspoken proponent of individual and community control. If villagers voluntarily purchase Coca Cola, why would Anil object?

Anil never did answer in a way I found satisfying, other than expressing a discomfort that the U.S. had become too powerful, that its corporations’ reach had become too extensive, that the U.S. presence had gone too far. It was then common to decry “U.S. imperialism,” although the U.S. never sought or got much of a colonial empire, unlike Great Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Belgium, Portugal, the Netherlands, and Italy, which between them militarily conquered and colonized much of Africa, Asia and the Americas. “U.S. imperialism” was short for “U.S. economic imperialism,” meaning that the U.S. was attempting to control the world marketplace through often nefarious non-military means, including covert support for dictators.

America’s military, of course, inspires resentment and hatred when it engages in war – witness the reaction today to the war in Iraq, or a generation ago to the Vietnam War. But America’s military also inspires contempt for its passivity. During the First World War, the German Kaiser repeatedly claimed that America would not fight, whatever the provocation; President Woodrow Wilson, with his policy of “watchful waiting,” bore him out for years, entering the war only at the end and after being attacked. Roosevelt, likewise, entered the Second World War late, and after America was attacked.

The view around the world that America doesn’t have the stomach for a fight remains – Muslim extremists took this lesson from Reagan’s flight from Beirut in 1984 and Clinton’s from Somalia in 1993. American restraint following the first World Trade Center attack, the embassy bombings and the attack on the USS Cole confirmed this analysis prior to 9/11, as did the anti-war movement during the Vietnam war, as does the anti-war movement now. Whether the loathing for America is greater when it fights or when it does not is arguable; not arguable is that the U.S. has been loathed regardless of its military stance.

The most enduring of the stereotypes that denigrate the U.S. is that of the Ugly American, a best-selling book that came out in 1958, and then became a Marlon Brando movie. This American is loud and tasteless, insensitive to other cultures. A boor, and not one in uniform, the ugly American came to represent the American tourist above all, but also corporate big-wigs and stay-at-home slobs. This characterization was nothing new, however. An earlier America hater, Charles Dickens, in 1844 painted Americans in an equally boorish light and America as “so maimed and lame, so full of sores and ulcers, foul to the eye and almost hopeless to the sense, that her best friends turn from the loathsome creature with disgust.” Almost a century earlier still, the French had decided that the natural environment in the Americas was not conducive to producing hardy flora or fauna, and that humans who settled there would become degenerate. Voltaire was one exponent of this view, the French encyclopedist Abbe Raynal another: “America has not yet produced a good poet, an able mathematician, one man of genius in a single art or a single science,” he concluded in 1770, setting off a debate among such men as Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Thomas Jefferson, who now had to defend themselves from attack by their more cultured critics across the sea.

Many, many scholars have examined the phenomenon of anti-Americanism, some likening it to a kind of secular religion that explains all the world’s evils, from poverty and injustice to wars and environmental destruction. My explanation is less complicated: America is an unparalleled success, and with success comes envy and resentment, especially of those who don’t have it.

The world has seen other great military powers – the ancient Romans, the Ottomans, the British. None has extended its military reach throughout the planet, as has the U.S. Neither has any one nation before so dominated the world economy – the U.S. represents 25% of world GDP. Neither has any one nation so dominated technological advancement – the U.S. soars in scientific achievements, whether measured by the number of Nobel Prizes won or the number of patents acquired. Neither, and most gallingly, has any one nation ever dominated culture so thoroughly. From Hollywood to Broadway to TV, from music to clothing to food, America is everywhere supreme. This Coca-Cola-McDonalds-Starbucks culture may be reviled but it cannot be disputed.

Finally, America is loathed because its brand of free-market capitalism remains ascendant, having outperformed European-style socialism and utterly defeated Communism, ideologies that attract many if not most of the world’s intellectuals. More than two centuries since its founding, the U.S. shows no sign of losing either its economic or military supremacy.

Will the world pay obeisance to U.S. superiority should President Obama take office? French president Sarkozy reportedly characterized Obama’s stance on Iran as “utterly immature” and comprised of “formulations empty of all content.” Worse, he believes, Obama is “arrogantly” displaying a willingness to act unilaterally in talking to Iran without preconditions, ignoring the consensus forged by France, Germany and other members on the UN Security Council. The EU’s trade commissioner called Obama’s advocacy of trade protectionism “irresponsible” and a “mirage,” the UK’s foreign secretary echoed trade concerns.

America will be America after Nov 4. Anti-Americanism is safe.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe.

Photo: Supporters of Iraqi cleric Moqtada al-Sadr burn American flags. (Kareem Kaheem/Reuters)

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Letters to the Editor: The Deniers

Reason magazine
November 1, 2008

Ronald Bailey (in Carbon: Tax, Trade, or Deregulate/Reason/July 2008) says that the science of global warming has finally lined up for him. He claims that perhaps more relevant than the “air of trumphalism” among attendees at the U.N. conference on climate change in Bali was the fact that a “lot of the climatologists who were there sounded very scared.” Neither trumphalism nor fear is a solid standard for evidence.

The Canadian environmentalist and columnist Lawrence Solomon, of the National Post, and the Toronto Financial Post, has written a series of columns in the last few years on the subject of scientists who have developed research data that refute many of the claims of the warming catastrophists. The series, called “The Deniers,” is available online and has been turned into a book of the same name this year.

Early on, after describing the views of several of these scientists on such topics as the (in)famous hockey stick graph, hurricanes, and Antarctic ice sheets, Solomon tells us that all of them assume global warming is real and is caused by human activity – based on the reports of other scientists. They each know that the evidence they have observed refutes specific claims for anthropogenic global warming in their area of expertise.

That says a lot. The evidence relating to climate issues comes from many highly specialized areas of scientific research. If each, or most, or even a significant subset of the evidence for warming is questionable and justifiably disputed by reputable scientists, then having everyone assume that everyone else knows what he is doing in claiming dangerous warming is like seeing a forest when no individual trees are in evidence.

John Kannarr

Glendale, AZ

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A study of water and sediment quality as related to public health issues, Fort Chipewyan, Alberta

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The dark side of biofuels

As the world seeks alternatives to fossil fuels (petrol, oil, diesel) that have caused climate change, the focus is gradually shifting to biofuels that are believed to be efficient and friendly to the environment. Biofuels are being billed as the “best replacement of fossil fuels” in the efforts by industrialised countries to cut down emissions and reduce the impacts of climate change. Obviously, by cultivating these oil plants, one would imagine that there would be an opportunity for rural communities to improve their livelihoods while at the same time contributing to the efforts to combat climate change.

However, alarm bells have been rung in regions that have developed biofuel industries; that just as the discovery of fossil fuel in Niger Delta, Nigeria, and elsewhere in Africa brought a ‘curse’, the biofuel or agro-fuel industry could be even a worse curse in places where it has gained foothold. From sugarcane plantations in Brazil to Indonesia’s palm plantations, the reality is that biofuel industry, without strict regulation, can be as catastrophic as the fossil fuel industry is in Africa.

While local production on a small scale of biofuels, like ethanol, can contribute to local energy sovereignty, the international market can completely destroy the opportunities for sustainable production. As millions of acres worldwide are converted to corn, Jatropha, palm oil, soy, etc, it is becoming clear that we could be making climate change even worse, driving more species into extinction, and at the same time, threatening food production in developing countries.

The new biofuel revolution being subsidised by rich countries, led by the United States of America and the European Union could be buoyed by inability to reduce greenhouse gas emissions domestically as well as increased prices of crude oil. The question in the lips of many, however, is whether biofuels will help solve global energy crisis and reduce climate change at the same time. A number of NGOs have urged African delegates to the Climate Change Convention, where the issue of biofuels is increasingly gaining currency, to be cautious of biofuels as possible ways to achieve fast growth or more efficient fuel conversion under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). Biofuels, they argue, may exacerbate the problems of social inequality and poverty, particularly in Africa, as well as climate change, including environmental degradation.

While African countries are beginning to explore the possibilities of farming biofuel crops for local household and domestic grid energy use, the consequences of growing biofuel for export to the wealthy countries so that they may maintain their energy intensive lifestyles, instead of growing food for consumption by Africans could be severe. Using potential agricultural land and later to grow biofuels instead of food for domestic consumption will have a detrimental effect on food security in the continent that is already struggling to feed its more than 800 million inhabitants.

To demonstrate that biofuels offer very little carbon saving and low energy saving, studies in the US found that the amount of fossil fuel energy required to produce and process biofuel crops such as Soya and maize (fertilizer, farm machinery, processing and transport) is almost as much as the amount of energy contained in the fuel produced. In addition, the studies show, the amount of grain required for one tank of bioethanol in a 4×4 SUV vehicle would feed one person for one year. Biofuels will open up commodity markets to increased speculation. In 2006, an increase in the use of grain worldwide for conversion to biofuels led to a 60% increase in global grain prices and speculator interest in what had previously been a stably priced commodity. After environmental activists successfully stopped Ugandan government from allocating thousands of acres of Mabira forest to a private developer who had an intention of establishing sugar
plantations, large areas of tropical forest in Kangala islands are being converted into BIDCO palm plantations, which will be used to produce biodiesel. BIDCO is currently lobbying the government of Uganda to be able to further expand their plantations into other forested areas.

Large-scale production of biofuels, certainly, will cause serious environmental challenges for the entire planet, starting with the clearance of forested land for plantations.

But, even more serious, will be converting pastoralist lands for biofuel production. Pastoralist communities need those vast lands for cultural survival. Though poor countries in Africa could benefit from using their biofuels more efficiently without destroying their ecosystem, a global biofuel regulatory system should be put in place first. And to protect vulnerable communities in the developing countries from the predatory and profit-driven multinational companies that are likely to invade new business opportunities in the biofuel industry, mandatory regulatory schemes and standards should be put in place without further delay. Such regulations should be based on objective scientific assessment, which looks at impacts on local communities, food security, soils, water and animals.

Author: Grace Akumu (Ms)

Executive Director

Climate Network Africa

E-mail: gakumu@yahoo.com

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Wal-Mart environmentalism

Lawrence Solomon
FP Comment
October 17, 2008

The next commodity to collapse will be mass-marketed environmentalism, which will come to be disdained.

Stock market indexes have plummeted from their inflated peaks. Oil and other commodities have likewise plummeted. The next commodity to tumble from unsustainable peak levels: environmentalism.

In part, I am making this prediction because, in my 30 years as an environmentalist, I have never seen so many governments and so many corporations so profusely espousing so many environmental causes. Where promoting environmentalism was once seen as daring and counter-cultural, today it has become banal, no longer the exclusive preserve of a Body Shop chain, but of every retailer down to Wal-Mart. For the same reason that clothes go out of fashion after the masses embrace them, mass-marketed environmentalism will come to be disdained. That won’t sell for long.

I am predicting a collapse of today’s Wal-Mart environmentalism for another reason, too: Much of it is misguided, based on misunderstanding and vacuity. Global warming is by far the biggest such example.

Those who have been following my Denier series in these pages know that large numbers of distinguished scientists dispute the conventional wisdom on climate change, making absurd the claim that the science is settled on climate change. And yet government and corporate propaganda — in global warming and elsewhere — strip away all subltety and uncertainty in their public relations programs, portraying environmental problems and proposing environmental solutions in cartoon-cutout simplicity that, more often than not, accomplish nothing good or make matters worse.

While governments and industry discount major environmental issues that affect crown corporations and crown resources (nuclear power, forestry), they stir up concerns in consumer areas that have high visibility and often pose few true hazards. The results are often perverse: Blue Box recycling programs that promote waste; ethanol blends for automobiles that benefit the farm lobby while depleting the land and fouling the air; bans on incandescent bulbs that ignore consumer preferences but please light bulb manufacturers seeking lucrative new markets; public transit systems that run near-empty buses along low-density routes; “Right-to-Farm” laws that legalize polluting practices; demonization of private water systems, including bans on water bottles, when private systems have a superior safety and environmental record — in short, most of the environmental policies that governments put before the public are wrong-headed.

A third reason for my prediction that environmentalism has peaked is the instinct for self-preservation among the political leadership. Thinking they could raise revenues while appearing green, opportunistic politicians have been promoting environmental taxes without having a credible case to make. The result, increasingly, is political ruin. The federal election results this week are, in good part, a testament to Liberal leader Stéphan Dion’s failure to sell his Green Shift — the Liberals obtained the lowest share of the vote since Confederation. In England, where citizens face the world’s highest burden of green taxes, the ruling Labour Party received a miserable 3% of the vote in by-elections earlier this year and London’s mayor, the greenest in Europe, was thrown out of office. Across Europe, once-green politicians are now backing away from their earlier commitments to push green agendas.

In stock and commodity markets, when values fall from unrealistically high levels, they often fall further than justified. When environmentalism falls from its high values on the realization that many concerns have been oversold, it too will likely fall further than justified. Environmentalism will then need to reestablish public trust before real environmental gains can be made.

As history shows, after being burned in the stock market, investors often stay away for years, fearful of being burned again. The lack of trust harms the greater economy. We have no history of what happens when citizens feel taken in by false environmental claims. But we may soon find out.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and Urban Renaissance Institute, and author of The Deniers: The world-renowned scientists who stood up against global warming hysteria, political persecution, and fraud.

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Lawrence Solomon nominated for book award

September 30, 2008

Energy Probe’s Lawrence Solomon has been recognized by the Annual Heritage Toronto Awards with a nomination for his 2007 book, Toronto Sprawls.


The Heritage Awards celebrate outstanding contributions by individuals and community organizations, as well as industry professionals and associations, in promoting and conserving Toronto’s history and heritage landmarks. Award recipients will be announced at a ceremony on Monday, October 27th at the historic Carlu.

This year, nominations were solicited from the public in four categories: the William Greer Architectural Conservation and Craftsmanship Award; Book; Media; and Community Heritage. Independent juries reviewed the nominations and recommended the award recipients. In each category (except the Community Heritage Award, which is a cash prize) there are two possible levels of award: Award of Excellence (the highest) and Award of Merit.

The Heritage book award recognizes well-written non-fiction books published in 2007 that explore Toronto’s archaeological, built, cultural and/or natural heritage and history.

More information about the Annual Heritage Toronto Awards and the awards ceremony is listed on the Heritage Toronto website.

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The Linear No-Threshold Theory of Radiation Carcinogenesis Should Be Rejected

Bernard L. Cohen
Journal of American Physicians and Surgeons, Volume 13, Number 3
October 1, 2008

It is commonly stated that “any radiation dose, no matter how small, can cause cancer.” The basis for that statement is the linearno threshold theory (LNT)–which might more appropriately be called “linear-no threshold hypothesis”—of radiation carcinogenesis. According to LNT, if a 1 Gy (100 rad) dose gives a cancer risk R, the risk from a dose of 0.01 Gy (1 rad) is R/100, the risk from 0.00001 Gy (1 millirad) is R/100,000, and so on. Thus the cancer risk is not zero regardless of how small the dose. However, over the past several years, many radiation health scientists have come to regard risk estimates in the low-dose region based on LNT as exaggerated or completely negligible.

Click Here to View Full Article

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The Linear No-Threshold Theory of radiation carcinogenesis should be rejected

(Oct. 1, 2008) It is commonly stated that “any radiation dose, no matter how small, can cause cancer.” The basis for that statement is the linearno threshold theory (LNT)–which might more appropriately be called “linear-no threshold hypothesis”—of radiation carcinogenesis.

Continue reading

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What to do about high energy prices

Gordon Powers
MSN Finance
September 25, 2008

With energy prices soaring, is this the right time to lock into a fixed-rate gas contract or should you stick with the floating rate offered by your utility?

Both electricity and natural gas prices will surge as North American utilities shift from coal-fired generation to cleaner burning natural gas generation, suggests a recent report from CIBC World Markets.

Natural gas prices are tied to oil prices, which are predicted to stay strong, and that means utilities seeking gas to fuel generating facilities will face higher costs, passing those costs along to customers wherever possible. On the other hand, wholesale natural gas prices have tumbled sharply since mid-summer.

Oh, and another thing. Natural gas in Canada is priced in U.S. dollars, so if the Canadian dollar goes down, gas prices will go up simply because of the currency.

So, does this mean you should sign that fixed-price contract the next time someone starts banging on your front door? Well, it’s either that or continuing with your utility’s variable rate, which changes every three months and may have retroactive charges.

Essentially, when you sign up for a fixed-price contract, you’re placing a bet that future prices of natural gas will rise faster than expected and stay there. Even if they do, the increase must be more than the marketer’s mark-up for you to come out ahead of those paying floating rates.

Fixed-price contract retailers are middlemen, operating much like the banks. A bank offers its fixed-rate mortgage loans with money borrowed from customers who bought GICs with matching terms, making a profit on the spread between the interest rate it charges and what it has to pay out on deposits.

Natural gas retailers operate in a similar fashion except that they enjoy better margins than most banks. In fact, critics like Energy Probe put those mark-ups as high as 15%, which means that natural gas prices really have to take off for you to be ahead over the long term. There are clear pricing differences among retailers, however.

Energyshop.com is a good place to review current prices and options. It has a price comparison feature on its web site that allows buyers to shop around for the best deal from the marketers, ranging from one to five year contracts.

According to Energyshop’s research, which goes back to July 1999, Ontario consumers who locked in prices in the past have realized a savings about two thirds of the time. More recently, however, those who signed or renewed energy contracts have paid more than if they had stayed with their local utility.

The current price for natural gas ranges from 37.5 cents to 43.9 cents a cubic metre for a five-year deal, according to Energyshop. This means, at today’s rates, the utilities are charging less than what you can expect to pay from the retailers. But that can clearly change as regulators review and set price levels in October.

When approached by an agent, it’s important to distinguish between someone who says he selling you savings — which he can’t guarantee since no one can say for sure what prices are going to do — and certainty — which, if you’re a worrier, might help take your mind off the impact of energy prices on your budget.

If you do buy at the door, remember that you need to reaffirm the contract by phone for it to be valid. Be sure you know the price offered, any exit fees if you want out in the future, and your renewal options. If you don’t like what you see or it doesn’t jibe with the sales pitch, cancel — but don’t take too long.

You only have 10 calendar days from the date you signed to back out. If you’ve signed up at the doorstep or over the Internet, this 10-day period starts when you make the commitment to the retailer. Although every case is unique, marketers are generally reluctant to let people change their mind once this window closes.

If you do change your mind, be sure to deliver the cancellation notice in a way that will allow you to prove you sent it in case of a dispute.

A fixed-price contract might work for you if …

  • You’re looking for stable energy prices over the term of the contract.
  • You want to be protected against short-term price spikes resulting from natural events such as hurricanes and earthquakes.
  • A retailer can offer further incentives to earn your business.


But a fixed-price contract might turn out to be a bad idea if …

  • You can live with the uncertainty of floating prices.
  • You end up trapped at the contract price for the full term and rates subsequently drop.
  • You get stuck with early exit fees when you have to cancel before the end of the term.


Although it doesn’t change the actual pricing, one way to ride out a period of higher energy bills is by signing up for a billing plan that spreads your costs evenly through the year. This way, you can work the base number into your budget and still benefit from any market corrections along the way. But if you lock in today’s natural gas prices for the next few years, you’re stuck with them.

Posted in Energy Probe News, Reforming Ontario's Electrical Generation Sector | Leave a comment

Wielding the carbon club

Lawrence Solomon
National Post
September 30, 2008

‘Cut back on carbon emissions,” the Third World is lectured. “It’s for the good of the planet and it’s for your own good, too. Don’t point fingers at the West’s carbon emissions. Don’t protest that you’d like your share of automobiles and air conditioners. Don’t tell us that you know what’s in your own self-interest. Just do as your told, or we’ll punish you.”

These threats are sometimes implicit, sometimes explicit, always arrogant. Carbon has become a club with which to discipline the Third World.

The Globe and Mail took up the carbon club in a weekend editorial that praised Prime Minister Stephen Harper for vowing to prohibit bitumen sales from the tar sands to countries that misbehave on global warming, and chastised misbehavers China and India, now the world’s number one and number three carbon emitters. The Globe asserted that, “the emerging economic powers are not entitled to catch up to the emissions levels of the nations that industrialized in the 19th century,” adding that these restrictions are for the Third World’s own good: “East Asia and South Asia will not benefit if Shanghai and Bangladesh are below sea level.”

Likewise, the chairman of the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change claimed last year that it would be “suicide” for Third World countries to base their progress on fossil fuels, as Western countries have: “If China and India were to follow the same pattern of development you are going to have serious conflict. Where are all the resources going to come from?”

In truth, the West has selfish motives, and not just because carbon cutbacks by Third World nations would leave more oil and other resources for the West — Western industry and Western jobs also hang in the balance. In a recent declaration, 27 EU leaders warned that “appropriate measures can be taken” against exports from Third World countries to protect European jobs, and French President Nicolas Sarkozy insisted on “a mechanism that would allow us to strike against the imports of countries that don’t play by the rules of the game on environmental protection.” The protectionist U. S. Senate is also looking for a trade mechanism “to penalize countries such as China and India if they didn’t also limit emissions,” reported the Wall Street Journal in an article that referred to such measures as “China bashing.”

Should Third World countries do as they’re told? Or should they think for themselves and come to their own conclusions? The Indian government’s National Action Plan on Climate Change looked for evidence of harm to India from global warming. Its scientists found none. It also looked for man-made causes. Still no evidence. “No firm link between the changes [to India’s environment] and warming due to anthropogenic climate change has yet been established,” it concluded. Not surprisingly, India opposes curbing its economic growth in aid of science it considers suspect, to aid Western trade interests it considers hypocritical. China and others also balk at curbing their fossil fuel use — and economic growth — to suit western demands.

Should Third World countries doubt claims that dramatic carbon curbs would aid their economies? Yes, claim two of the world’s most distinguished academics, Freeman Dyson of Princeton, perhaps America’s most famous scientist, and William Nordhaus of Yale, the world’s pre-eminent climate change economist and author of the new book, A Question of Balance: Weighing the Options on Global Warming Policies.

Their unequivocal conclusion emerged from a widely discussed exchange in the pages of the New York Review of Books between Dyson, a climate-change skeptic who reviewed Nordhaus’s book, and Nordhaus, who believes that man-made global warming must be tackled. These academics were united on the dangers to the developing world of steep curbs on carbon, such as those promoted by the U.K. government’s Stern Review, the chief authority of those who advocate severe carbon cutbacks.

“The practical consequence of the Stern policy would be to slow down the economic growth of China now in order to reduce damage from climate change a hundred years later,” Dyson explains, with Nordhaus’s blessing. “Several generations of Chinese citizens would be impoverished to make their descendants only slightly richer. … the slowing-down of growth would in the end be far more costly to China than the climatic damage.”

Count on the West to use the carbon club to beat the Third World into submission. Pray that when it does, it at least has the grace to avoid adding insult to injury by insisting it is acting for the Third World’s own good.

Lawrence Solomon is executive director of Energy Probe and Urban Renaissance Institute, and author of The Deniers: The world-renowned scientists who stood up against global warming hysteria, political persecution, and fraud.

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